Just over a week before the Republican nomination process begins with Iowa’s kickoff caucuses, Trump did not explicitly acknowledge the date. But he continued to claim that countries have been emptying jails and mental institutions to fuel a record number of migrant crossings, even though there is no evidence that is the case.

“When you talk about insurrection, what they’re doing, that’s the real deal. That’s the real deal. Not patriotically and peacefully — peacefully and patriotically,” Trump said, quoting from his speech on Jan. 6, before a violent mob of his supporters stormed the Capitol as part of a desperate bid to keep him in power after his 2020 election loss.

Trump’s remarks in Newton in central Iowa came a day after Biden delivered a speech near Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, where he cast Trump as a grave threat to democracy and called Jan. 6 a day when “we nearly lost America — lost it all.”

With a likely rematch of the 2020 election looming, both Biden and Trump have frequently invoked Jan. 6 on the campaign trail. Trump, who is under federal indictment for his efforts to overturn his 2020 loss to Biden, has consistently downplayed or spread conspiracy theories about a riot in which his supporters — spurred by his lies about election fraud — tried to disrupt the certification of Biden’s win.

Trump also continued to bemoan the treatment of those who have been jailed for participating in the riot, again labeling them “hostages.” More than 1,230 people have been charged with federal crimes connected to the violence, including assaulting police officers and seditious conspiracy.

“They ought to release the J6 hostages. They’ve suffered enough,” he said in Clinton, in the state’s far east. “Release the J6 hostages, Joe. Release ’em, Joe. You can do it real easy, Joe,” he said.

Trump was holding the commit-to-caucus events just over a week before voting will begin on Jan. 15. He arrived at his last event nearly three-and-a-half hours late due to what he said was a mechanical issue with a rented plane.

After Trump spoke in Newton, he signed hats and other items people in the crowd passed to him, including a copy of a Playboy magazine that featured him on the cover.

One man in the crowd, Dick Green, was standing about 15 feet away, weeping after the former president autographed his white “Trump Country” hat and shook his hand.

“It’ll never get sold. It will be in my family,” Green said of the hat.

A caucus captain and a pastor in Brighton, Iowa, Green said he had prayed for four years to meet Trump.

“I’ll never forget it,” he said. “It’s just the beginning of his next presidency.”

Trump spent much of the day assailing Biden, casting him as incompetent and the real threat to democracy. But he also attacked fellow Republicans, including the late Sen. John McCain of Arizona, whose “no” vote derailed GOP efforts to repeal former President Barack Obama‘s signature healthcare law.

“John McCain, for some reason, couldn’t get his arm up that day,” said Trump of McCain, who was shot down over Vietnam in 1967 and spent 5½ years as a prisoner of war. The injuries he suffered left him unable to lift his arms over his head for the rest of his life. His daughter, Meghan McCain, responded on X, the site formerly known as Twitter, calling Trump an expletive and her father an “American hero.”

Earlier Saturday, Trump courted young conservative activists in Des Moines, speaking to members of Run GenZ, an organization that encourages young conservatives to run for office.

Trump’s campaign is hoping to turn out thousands of supporters who have never caucused before as part of a show of force aimed at denying his rivals momentum and demonstrating his organizing prowess heading into the general election.

His chief rivals, former United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, were also campaigning in the state as they battle for second place in hopes of emerging as the most viable alternative to Trump, who is leading by wide margins in early state and national polls.

Trump has used the trip to step up his attacks against Haley, who has been gaining ground. He again cast her Saturday as insufficiently conservative and a “globalist’ beholden to Wall Street donors, and accused her of being disloyal for running against him.

“Nikki will sell you out just like she sold me out,” he charged.

On Friday, Trump had highlighted several recent Haley statements that drew criticism, including her comment that voters in New Hampshire correct Iowa’s mistakes (“You don’t have to be corrected,” he said) and her failure to mention slavery when asked what had caused the Civil War.

“I don’t know if it’s going to have an impact, but you know like … slavery’s sort of the obvious answer as opposed to her three paragraphs of bulls—,” he told a crowd Friday.

In Newton, he said that he was fascinated by the “horrible” war, which he suggested he could have prevented.

“It’s so fascinating,” he said. “It’s just different. I just find it… I’m so attracted to seeing it… So many mistakes were made. See that was something I think could have been negotiated, to be honest with you.”

Haley’s campaign has pointed to his escalating attention, including a new attack ad, as evidence Trump is worried about her momentum.

“God bless President Trump, he’s been on a temper tantrum every day about me … and everything he’s saying is not true,” Haley told a crowd Saturday in North Liberty, Iowa.

___

Beaumont reported from Clinton, Iowa, and Colvin from New York. AP National Politics Writer Steve Peoples in North Liberty, Iowa, and Andrew Harnik in Des Moines, Iowa, contributed to this report.

While Iowa has played an outsize role in presidential politics for generations, the details of how the caucuses actually work can surprise and mystify even hard-core political junkies. The Republican process this year is largely unchanged, but there are significant changes to the traditional voting schedule on the Democratic side. Much of what you think you know about the Iowa caucuses may no longer be applicable in 2024.

Since the contested Iowa caucuses of 2016 and 2020 may seem like a long time ago, here’s an update of what they are, how they work and why they matter.

What is a caucus?

A political caucus is a gathering of people with a shared interest or goal. The Iowa caucuses are a series of local meetings held throughout the state where participants conduct party business and usually indicate their preference for a presidential nominee to represent the party on the November ballot.

It’s also the first step in a months-long process to select people to serve as delegates to the national party conventions this summer.

How are caucuses different from primaries?

One of the main differences between caucuses and primaries is the amount of time allotted for voting to occur and the methods by which people can vote.

In a primary, people can show up at the polls and cast ballots throughout Election Day, from the early morning until polls close in the evening. They have the option of casting an absentee ballot if they can’t make it to the polls on Election Day, and in some states, people may vote before Election Day.

The Iowa caucuses, on the other hand, are held in the evening and voters must attend in person in order to participate, except in a few isolated instances. Caucuses are run by political parties, whereas primaries are usually (but not always) run by the state.

Are both the Republicans and Democrats holding caucuses in Iowa this year?

Sort of. While both the state Republican and Democratic parties will hold caucuses on Jan. 15, only the Republican event will have an immediate, binding impact on the presidential race.

In a departure from previous years, the Democratic caucuses will be held only to conduct administrative party business and to start the process of choosing delegates to the national conventions. Iowa Democrats will express their preferences for their party’s presidential nominee through a mail-in voting process, the results of which will not be known until March.

How will the Republican caucuses work in 2024?

There will be two main agenda items at every Republican caucus site: holding a binding vote for the party’s presidential nominee and electing delegates to attend county conventions, which is the next step in the multi-tiered process of electing delegates to attend the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee this summer.

The binding presidential vote functions essentially like a party-run primary, only with very limited polling hours and no accommodation for absentee voting, except for a tiny handful of overseas and military voters. There are speeches on behalf of various candidates before the voting and a variety of party business after the vote. Individual caucus chairs are allowed to exercise some discretion in how to conduct the vote, but the voting is done by secret ballot and there is no set list of candidates. Voters must be given the option to vote for any candidate they choose. In the past, some caucus sites have pre-printed the names of major candidates and provided a write-in option, but typically, voters vote by writing the name of a candidate on a blank slip of paper.

There is no walking around the caucus room to form candidate preference groups. That voting method was a feature of Democratic caucuses from 1972 to 2020 but is no longer in use by either party in 2024.

The Republican caucuses will convene statewide at 7 p.m. local time (8 p.m. EST), and begin with the election of a caucus chair and secretary. Only registered Republicans may participate in the caucuses and only in their designated home precincts. However, Iowans may register or change their party affiliation on caucus day. Voters must turn 18 by the November general election in order to participate.

How will the Democratic caucuses work in 2024?

Iowa Democrats had to completely redo their caucus and presidential delegate selection process after their 2020 caucuses devolved into chaos and failed to produce a clear, undisputed winner.

This year, Iowa Democrats will still hold caucuses on the same day as Republicans, but unlike in previous years, caucus-goers will not vote or indicate their pick to represent the party on the November presidential ballot. Instead, they will vote for a party nominee through a mail-in voting process that begins Jan. 12 and concludes on March 5.

The Democratic caucuses on Jan. 15 will elect delegates to the county conventions in March, which is the next step in selecting the individuals to serve as delegates to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August. National convention delegates will be required to vote for a presidential nominee in accordance with the results of the mail-in voting process.

What’s at stake?

For Democrats, nothing is at stake, since the 2024 caucuses will have no bearing on the presidential race.

For Republicans, there are usually two prizes in the Iowa caucuses: delegates and bragging rights. Iowa Republican voters will indicate their picks for the party’s presidential nominee, and the results of that vote will determine how many of the state’s 40 convention delegates each candidate will receive. Candidates win national convention delegates in direct proportion to the percentage of the vote they receive. There is no minimum threshold required to qualify for delegates.

However, Iowa makes up a minuscule share of the total number of Republican delegates nationwide (only 1.6%). So, in theory, a candidate who performs poorly in Iowa has plenty of opportunities in the remaining states and territories to more than make up the difference. But because of Iowa’s first-in-the-nation placement in the presidential campaign calendar, the caucus results often give a disproportionate boost to the winners and to those who perform strongly or surpass expectations, while often having a winnowing effect on the field by nudging underperforming candidates out of the race. They can also signal to voters in other states, fairly or unfairly, which candidates are possibly on a better footing in the race for the nomination and have momentum (or the “Big Mo” as candidate George H.W. Bush called it after winning the 1980 caucuses) heading into the next contests.

On Friday, the eve of the anniversary of the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol attack, Dunn launched a campaign in Maryland’s 3rd Congressional District, joining a crowded Democratic primary to replace retiring Democratic Rep. John Sarbanes.

“Because of Jan. 6 and everything that happened afterwards, it’s clear how much of a threat the extinction of our democracy is — it’s very present right now,” Dunn said in a phone interview Thursday ahead of his announcement. 

“I do believe that we’re literally one election cycle away from the extinction of our democracy,” he added.  

Dunn, a 15-year veteran of the U.S. Capitol Police force, spent the months after the Capitol riot recounting his story from that day, when he was physically attacked by the mob, which also hurled racial slurs at him.

Read the full story on NBCNews.com

At least 14 of the 42 Iowa state legislators who have endorsed DeSantis received donations from the leadership PAC, ranging in individual sums from $2,500 to $15,000. The first donations were made in early October, followed by several more in November and another three in December, the campaign finance records show.

While other campaigns and leadership PACs have done this in the past, the practice is not overwhelmingly common. A search of Iowa’s campaign finance system for other PACs affiliated with GOP presidential candidates came up empty for donations to state legislative candidates, suggesting these contributions to DeSantis’ supporters are the only ones of their kind in this election, at least so far.

The disclosures provide the first glimpse at Great American Comeback’s spending since the DeSantis campaign began to use the vehicle last summer. It can raise money in concert with DeSantis’ campaign, but it has restrictions on how it can be spent — and it doesn’t have to file a campaign finance disclosure detailing its activity since July until the end of Jan. 31, after the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary.

Iowa state Senate President Amy Sinclair and state House Majority Leader Matt Windschitl — two of the governor’s most high-profile legislative endorsers — received the largest single donations to their campaign committees, at $15,000 each. Both contributions came in late Dec. 2023, according to Iowa Ethics and Campaign Disclosure Board data.

While the leadership PAC “is a separate entity from the campaign, Ron DeSantis strives to make sure the party succeeds as a whole,” DeSantis spokesman Andrew Romeo said in a statement in response to an inquiry about the donations. “Rising tides lift all boats — just as Republicans were victorious up and down the ballot in Florida under his leadership, as president, he will end the Republican Party’s culture of losing and make winning contagious,” he added.

Read the full story on NBCNews.com.

Trump appealed a 4-3 ruling in December by the Colorado Supreme Court that marked the first time in history that Section 3 of the 14th Amendment was used to bar a presidential contender from the ballot. The court found that Trump’s role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol disqualified him under the clause.

The provision has been used so sparingly in American history that the U.S. Supreme Court has never ruled on it.

Wednesday’s development came a day after Trump’s legal team filed an appeal against a ruling by Maine’s Democratic Secretary of State, Shenna Bellows, that Trump was ineligible to appear on that state’s ballot over his role in the Capitol attack. Both the Colorado Supreme Court and the Maine secretary of state’s rulings are on hold until the appeals play out.

Trump’s critics have filed dozens of lawsuits seeking to disqualify him in multiple states. He lost Colorado by 13 percentage points in 2020 and does not need to win the state to gain either the Republican presidential nomination or the presidency. But the Colorado ruling has the potential to prompt courts or secretaries of state to remove him from the ballot in other, must-win states.

None had succeeded until a slim majority of Colorado’s seven justices — all appointed by Democratic governors — ruled last month against Trump. Critics warned that it was an overreach and that the court could not simply declare that the Jan. 6 attack was an “insurrection” without a judicial process.

Trump’s new appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court also follows one from Colorado’s Republican Party. Legal observers expect the high court will take the case because it concerns unsettled constitutional issues that go to the heart of the way the country is governed.

Sean Grimsley, an attorney for the plaintiffs seeking to disqualify Trump in Colorado, said on a legal podcast called “Law, disrupted” that he hopes the nation’s highest court hurries once it accepts the case, as he expects it will.

“We have a primary coming up on Super Tuesday and we need to know the answer,” Grimsley said.

The Colorado high court upheld a finding by a district court judge that Jan. 6 was an “insurrection” incited by Trump. It agreed with the petitioners, six Republican and unaffiliated Colorado voters whose lawsuit was funded by a Washington-based liberal group, that Trump clearly violated the provision. Because of that, the court ruled he is disqualified just as plainly as if he failed to meet the Constitution’s minimum age requirement for the presidency of 35 years.

In doing so, the state high court reversed a ruling by the lower court judge that said it wasn’t clear that Section 3 was meant to apply to the president. That’s one of many issues the nation’s highest court would consider.

Additional ones include whether states such as Colorado can determine who is covered by Section 3, whether congressional action is needed to create a process to bar people from office, whether Jan. 6 met the legal definition of insurrection and whether Trump was simply engaging in First Amendment activity that day or is responsible for the violent attack, which was intended to halt certification of Democrat Joe Biden’s victory. Trump held a rally before the Capitol attack, telling his supporters that “if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.”

Six of the U.S. Supreme Court’s nine justices were appointed by Republicans, and three by Trump himself.

The Colorado ruling cited a prior decision by Neil Gorsuch, one of Trump’s appointees to the high court, when he was a federal judge in Colorado. That ruling determined that the state had a legitimate interest in removing from the presidential ballot a naturalized U.S. citizen who was ineligible for the office because he was born in Guyana.

The provision has barely been used since the years after the Civil War, when it kept defeated Confederates from returning to their former government positions. The two-sentence clause says that anyone who swore an oath to “support” the Constitution and then engaged in insurrection cannot hold office unless a two-thirds vote of Congress allows it.

Legal scholars believe its only application in the 20th century was being cited by Congress in 1919 to block the seating of a socialist who opposed U.S. involvement in World War I and was elected to the House of Representatives.

But in 2022, a judge used it to remove a rural New Mexico county commissioner from office after he was convicted of a misdemeanor for entering the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6. Liberal groups sued to block Republican Reps. Madison Cawthorn and Marjorie Taylor Greene from running for reelection because of their roles on that day. Cawthorn’s case became moot when he lost his primary in 2022, and a judge ruled to keep Greene on the ballot.

Some conservatives warn that, if Trump is removed, political groups will routinely use Section 3 against opponents in unexpected ways.

Biden’s administration has noted that the president has no role in the litigation.

The issue of whether Trump can be on the ballot is not the only matter related to the former president or Jan. 6 that has reached the high court. The justices last month declined a request from special counsel Jack Smith to swiftly take up and rule on Trump’s claims that he is immune from prosecution in a case charging him with plotting to overturn the presidential election, though the issue could be back before the court soon depending on the ruling of a Washington-based appeals court.

And the court has said that it intends to hear an appeal that could upend hundreds of charges stemming from the Capitol riot, including against Trump.

More coverage

Donald Trump Jan 2

Trump appeals Maine ruling barring him from ballot under the Constitution's insurrection clause​

politics Dec 27, 2023

Colorado Republicans ask Supreme Court to overturn ruling disqualifying Trump from 2024 ballot

The former president’s campaign plans to immediately appeal Thursday’s decision by Maine’s top election official, as they did the one last week from the Colorado Supreme Court. Both deemed Trump disqualified from the presidency under the 14th Amendment because of his role in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol.

Trump remains on the ballot in both states for next year’s GOP presidential primary, since both paused implementation of their decision to allow time for higher courts to intervene.

In Maine, Secretary of State Shenna Bellows, a Democrat, said in an interview with NBC News that she would have preferred to wait for the U.S. Supreme Court to issue guidance on the novel legal question — no presidential candidate has ever been disqualified under the 14th Amendment — but she said Maine law required her act now. “The country would be well served if the United States Supreme Court issues clear guidance on this unprecedented constitutional question for all to follow,” Bellows said.

Maine election law, an outlier nationally, allows any registered voter to challenge the eligibility of any candidate. It requires the secretary of state to hold a public hearing on the challenge and then issue a decision on a tight timeline. 

Three voters challenged Trump’s eligibility, two on 14th Amendment grounds.

For more on this story go to NBCNews.com.

More coverage

decision 2024 Dec 28, 2023

A second state has blocked Trump from the GOP primary ballot. Can he still run for president?

decision 2024 Dec 28, 2023

Maine bars Trump from ballot as US Supreme Court weighs state authority to block former president

Both decisions are historic. The Colorado court was the first court to apply to a presidential candidate a rarely used constitutional ban against those who “engaged in insurrection.” Maine’s secretary of state was the first top election official to unilaterally strike a presidential candidate from the ballot under that provision.

But both decisions are on hold while the legal process plays out.

What’s the legal issue?

That means that Trump remains on the ballot in Colorado and Maine and that his political fate is now in the hands of the U.S. Supreme Court. The Maine ruling will likely never take effect on its own. Its central impact is increasing pressure on the nation’s highest court to say clearly: Can Trump still run for president after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol?

After the Civil War, the U.S. ratified the 14th Amendment to guarantee rights to former slaves and more. It also included a two-sentence clause called Section 3, designed to keep former Confederates from regaining government power after the war.

The measure reads:

“No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.”

How does this apply to Trump?

Congress did remove that disability from most Confederates in 1872, and the provision fell into disuse. But it was rediscovered after Jan. 6.

Trump is already being prosecuted for the attempt to overturn his 2020 loss that culminated with Jan. 6, but Section 3 doesn’t require a criminal conviction to take effect. Dozens of lawsuits have been filed to disqualify Trump, claiming he engaged in insurrection on Jan. 6 and is no longer qualified to run for office.

All the suits failed until the Colorado ruling. And dozens of secretaries of state have been asked to remove him from the ballot. All said they didn’t have the authority to do so without a court order — until Maine Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision.

The Supreme Court has never ruled on Section 3. It’s likely to do so in considering appeals of the Colorado decision — the state Republican Party has already appealed, and Trump is expected to file his own shortly. Bellows’ ruling cannot be appealed straight to the U.S. Supreme Court — it has to be appealed up the judicial chain first, starting with a trial court in Maine.

The Maine decision does force the high court’s hand, though. It was already highly likely the justices would hear the Colorado case, but Maine removes any doubt.

Trump lost Colorado in 2020, and he doesn’t need to win it again to garner an Electoral College majority next year. But he won one of Maine’s four Electoral College votes in 2020 by winning the state’s 2nd Congressional District, so Bellows’ decision would have a direct impact on his odds next November.

Until the high court rules, any state could adopt its own standard on whether Trump, or anyone else, can be on the ballot. That’s the sort of legal chaos the court is supposed to prevent.

politics Dec 27, 2023

Colorado Republicans ask Supreme Court to overturn ruling disqualifying Trump from 2024 ballot

news Dec 21, 2023

Trump immunity claim: DOJ special counsel pushes Supreme Court for quick action on appeal

What are the arguments in the case?

Trump’s lawyers have several arguments against the push to disqualify him. First, it’s not clear Section 3 applies to the president — an early draft mentioned the office, but it was taken out, and the language “an officer of the United States” elsewhere in the Constitution doesn’t mean the president, they contend.

Second, even if it does apply to the presidency, they say, this is a “political” question best decided by voters, not unelected judges. Third, if judges do want to get involved, the lawyers assert, they’re violating Trump’s rights to a fair legal procedure by flatly ruling he’s ineligible without some sort of fact-finding process like a lengthy criminal trial. Fourth, they argue, Jan. 6 wasn’t an insurrection under the meaning of Section 3 — it was more like a riot. Finally, even if it was an insurrection, they say, Trump wasn’t involved in it — he was merely using his free speech rights.

What’s taken so long?

Of course, the lawyers who want to disqualify Trump have arguments, too. The main one is that the case is actually very simple: Jan. 6 was an insurrection, Trump incited it, and he’s disqualified.

The attack was three years ago, but the challenges weren’t “ripe,” to use the legal term, until Trump petitioned to get onto state ballots this fall.

But the length of time also gets at another issue — no one has really wanted to rule on the merits of the case. Most judges have dismissed the lawsuits because of technical issues, including that courts don’t have the authority to tell parties whom to put on their primary ballots. Secretaries of state have dodged, too, usually telling those who ask them to ban Trump that they don’t have the authority to do so unless ordered by a court.

Why did Maine do this?

No one can dodge anymore. Legal experts have cautioned that, if the Supreme Court doesn’t clearly resolve the issue, it could lead to chaos in November — or in January 2025, if Trump wins the election. Imagine, they say, if the high court ducks the issue or says it’s not a decision for the courts to make, and Democrats win a narrow majority in Congress. Would they seat Trump or declare he’s ineligible under Section 3?

Maine has an unusual process in which a secretary of state is required to hold a public hearing on challenges to politicians’ spots on the ballot and then issue a ruling. Multiple groups of Maine voters, including a bipartisan clutch of former state lawmakers, filed such a challenge, triggering Bellows’ decision.

Bellows is a Democrat, the former head of the Maine chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union, and has a long trail of criticism of Trump on social media. Trump’s attorneys asked her to recuse herself from the case, citing posts calling Jan. 6 an “insurrection” and bemoaning Trump’s acquittal in his impeachment trial over the attack.

She refused, saying she wasn’t ruling based on personal opinions. But the precedent she sets is notable, critics say. In theory, election officials in every state could decide a candidate is ineligible based on a novel legal theory about Section 3 and end their candidacies.

Is this a partisan issue?

Conservatives argue that Section 3 could apply to Vice President Kamala Harris, for example — it was used to block from office even those who donated small sums to individual Confederates. Couldn’t it be used against Harris, they say, because she raised money for those arrested in the unrest after the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police in 2020?

Well, of course it is. Bellows is a Democrat, and all the justices on the Colorado Supreme Court were appointed by Democrats. Six of the 9 U.S. Supreme Court justices were appointed by Republicans, three by Trump himself.

But courts don’t always split on predictable partisan lines. The Colorado ruling was 4-3 — so three Democratic appointees disagreed with barring Trump. Several prominent legal conservatives have championed the use of Section 3 against the former president.

Now we’ll see how the high court handles it.

While Maine has just four electoral votes, it’s one of two states to split them. Trump won one of Maine’s electors in 2020, so having him off the ballot there should he emerge as the Republican general election candidate could have outsized implications in a race that is expected to be narrowly decided.

The decision by Secretary of State Shenna Bellows follows a December ruling by the Colorado Supreme Court that booted Trump from the ballot there under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. Colorado is a Democratic-leaning state that is not expected to be competitive for Republicans in November.

Bellows found that Trump could no longer run for his prior job because his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol violated Section 3, which bans from office those who “engaged in insurrection.” Bellows made the ruling after some state residents, including a bipartisan group of former lawmakers, challenged Trump’s position on the ballot.

“I do not reach this conclusion lightly,” Bellows wrote in her 34-page decision. “I am mindful that no Secretary of State has ever deprived a presidential candidate of ballot access based on Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment. I am also mindful, however, that no presidential candidate has ever before engaged in insurrection.”

In a statement issued following the Maine ruling, the Trump campaign said it intended to file a legal objection to the “atrocious decision,” claiming it amounts to election interference.

“Make no mistake, these partisan election interference efforts are a hostile assault on American democracy,” the statement from campaign spokesman Steve Cheung read in part.

Read the full text of the decision

Legal experts said that Thursday’s ruling demonstrates the need for the nation’s highest court, which has never ruled on Section 3, to clarify what states can do.

“It is clear that these decisions are going to keep popping up, and inconsistent decisions reached (like the many states keeping Trump on the ballot over challenges) until there is final and decisive guidance from the U.S. Supreme Court,” Rick Hasen, a law professor at the University of California-Los Angeles, wrote in response to the Maine decision. “It seems a certainty that SCOTUS will have to address the merits sooner or later.”

In her decision, Bellows acknowledged that the U.S. Supreme Court will probably have the final word but said it was important she did her official duty.

That won her praise from the former state lawmakers who filed one of the petitions forcing her to consider the case.

“Secretary Bellows showed great courage in her ruling, and we look forward to helping her defend her judicious and correct decision in court. No elected official is above the law or our constitution, and today’s ruling reaffirms this most important of American principles,” Republican Kimberley Rosen, independent Thomas Saviello and Democrat Ethan Strimling said in a statement.

But other Republicans in the state were outraged.

“The Secretary of State’s decision would deny thousands of Mainers the opportunity to vote for the candidate of their choice, and it should be overturned,” U.S. Sen. Susan Collins wrote on the social media site X.

“This is a sham decision that mimics Third World dictatorships,” Maine’s House Republican leader, Billy Bob Faulkingham, said in a statement. “It will not stand legal scrutiny. People have a right to choose their leaders devoid of mindless decisions by partisan hacks.”

The criticism wasn’t just along normal partisan lines, though. Rep. Jared Golden, a Democrat who represents Maine’s 2nd congressional district that Trump won in 2020, noted on X that he’d voted to impeach Trump for the Jan. 6 attack and doesn’t believe he should win next year’s election.

“However, we are a nation of laws, and therefore until he is actually found guilty of the crime of insurrection, he should be allowed on the ballot,” Golden wrote.

The Trump campaign on Tuesday requested that Bellows disqualify herself from the case because she’d previously tweeted that Jan. 6 was an “insurrection” and bemoaned that Trump was acquitted in his impeachment trial in the U.S. Senate after the capitol attack. She refused to step aside.

“My decision was based exclusively on the record presented to me at the hearing and was in no way influenced by my political affiliation or personal views about the events of Jan. 6, 2021,” Bellows told the Associated Press Thursday night.

Bellows is a former head of the Maine chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union. All seven of the justices of the Colorado Supreme Court, which split 4-3 on whether to become the first court in history to declare a presidential candidate ineligible under Section 3, were appointed by Democrats. Two Washington, D.C.-based liberal groups have launched the most serious prior challenges to Trump, in Colorado and a handful of other states.

That’s led Trump to contend the dozens of lawsuits nationwide seeking to remove him from the ballot under Section 3 are a Democratic plot to end his campaign. But some of the most prominent advocates have been conservative legal theorists who argue that the text of the Constitution makes the former president ineligible to run again, just as if he failed to clear the document’s age threshold — 35 years old — for the office.

Likewise, until Bellows’ decision, every top state election official, whether Democrat or Republican, had rejected requests to bar Trump from the ballot, saying they didn’t have the power to remove him unless ordered to do so by a court.

The timing on the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision is unclear, but both sides want it fast. Colorado’s Republican Party appealed the Colorado high court decision on Wednesday, urging an expedited schedule, and Trump is also expected to file an appeal within the week. The petitioners in the Colorado case on Thursday urged the nation’s highest court to adopt an even faster schedule so it could rule before March 5, known as Super Tuesday, when 16 states, including Colorado and Maine, are scheduled to vote in the Republican presidential nominating process.

The high court needs to formally accept the case first, but legal experts consider that a certainty. The Section 3 cases seem tailor-made for the Supreme Court, addressing an area of U.S. governance where there’s scant judicial guidance.

The clause was added in 1868 to keep defeated Confederates from returning to their former positions of power in local and federal government. It prohibits anyone who broke an oath to “support” the Constitution from holding office. The provision was used to bar a wide range of ex-Confederates from positions ranging from local sheriff to Congress, but fell into disuse after an 1872 congressional amnesty for most former Confederates.

Legal historians believe the only time the provision was used in the 20th Century was in 1919, when it was cited to deny a House seat to a socialist who had opposed U.S. involvement in World War I. But since the Jan. 6 attack, it has been revived.

Last year, it was cited by a court to remove a rural New Mexico County Commissioner who had entered the Capitol on Jan. 6. One liberal group tried to remove Republican Reps. Madison Cawthorn and Marjorie Taylor Greene from the 2022 ballot under the provision, but Cawthorn lost his primary so his case was thrown out, and a judge ruled for Greene.

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Asked during a town hall in Berlin, New Hampshire, what she believed had caused the war — the first shots of which were fired in her home state of South Carolina — Haley talked about the role of government, replying that it involved “the freedoms of what people could and couldn’t do.”

She then turned the question back to the man who had asked it, who replied that he was not the one running for president and wished instead to know her answer.

After Haley went into a lengthier explanation about the role of government, individual freedom and capitalism, the questioner seemed to admonish Haley, saying, “In the year 2023, it’s astonishing to me that you answer that question without mentioning the word slavery.”

“What do you want me to say about slavery?” Haley retorted, before abruptly moving on to the next question.

Haley, who served six years as South Carolina’s governor, has been competing for a distant second place to Donald Trump for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. She has frequently said during her campaign that she would compete in the first three states before returning “to the sweet state of South Carolina, and we’ll finish it” in the Feb. 24 primary.

The campaign of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, another of Haley’s GOP foes, recirculated video of the exchange on social media, adding the comment, “Yikes.”

The exchange also drew response from President Joe Biden, who shared the video on X with the statement: “It was about slavery.”

Haley’s campaign did not immediately return a message seeking comment on her response, but the presidential hopeful appeared on local New Hampshire radio station The Pulse of NH on Thursday morning and addressed her response.

“Of course the Civil War was about slavery,” Haley said. “We know that. That’s the easy part of it. What I was saying was what does it mean to us today. What it means to us today is about freedom.”

“That’s what that was all about. It was about individual freedom. It was about economic freedom. It was about individual rights. Our goal is to make sure, no, we never go back to slavery but what’s the lesson in all of that? That we need to make sure that every person has freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom to do and be anything they want to be without anyone in government getting in the way.”

“Yes I know it was about slavery. I’m from the South. Of course you know it’s about slavery.”

Issues surrounding the origins of the Civil War and its heritage are still much of the fabric of Haley’s home state, and she has been pressed on the war’s origins before. As she ran for governor in 2010, Haley, in an interview with a now-defunct activist group then known as The Palmetto Patriots, described the war as between two disparate sides fighting for “tradition” and “change” and said the Confederate flag was “not something that is racist.”

During that same campaign, she dismissed the need for the flag to come down from the Statehouse grounds, portraying her Democratic rival’s push for its removal as a desperate political stunt.

Five years later, Haley urged lawmakers to remove the flag from its perch near a Confederate soldier monument following a mass shooting in which a white gunman killed eight Black church members who were attending Bible study. At the time, Haley said the flag had been “hijacked” by the shooter from those who saw the flag as symbolizing “sacrifice and heritage.”

South Carolina’s Ordinance of Secession — the 1860 proclamation by the state government outlining its reasons for seceding from the Union — mentions slavery in its opening sentence and points to the “increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding States to the institution of slavery” as a reason for the state removing itself from the Union.

On Wednesday night, Christale Spain — elected this year as the first Black woman to chair South Carolina’s Democratic Party — said Haley’s response was “vile, but unsurprising.”

“The same person who refused to take down the Confederate Flag until the tragedy in Charleston, and tried to justify a Confederate History Month,” Spain said in a post on X, of Haley. “She’s just as MAGA as Trump,” Spain added, referring to Trump’s ”Make America Great Again” slogan.

Jaime Harrison, current chairman of the Democratic National Committee and South Carolina’s party chairman during part of Haley’s tenure as governor, said her response was “not stunning if you were a Black resident in SC when she was Governor.”

“Same person who said the confederate flag was about tradition & heritage and as a minority woman she was the right person to defend keeping it on state house grounds,” Harrison posted Wednesday night on X. “Some may have forgotten but I haven’t. Time to take off the rose colored Nikki Haley glasses folks.”

Editor’s note: This story has been updated to add Nikki Haley’s comments during her appearance on The Pulse of NH.

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The decision from a court whose justices were all appointed by Democratic governors marks the first time in history that Section 3 of the 14th Amendment has been used to disqualify a presidential candidate.

“A majority of the court holds that Trump is disqualified from holding the office of president under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment,” the court wrote in its 4-3 decision.

Colorado’s highest court overturned a ruling from a district court judge who found that Trump incited an insurrection for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol, but said he could not be barred from the ballot because it was unclear that the provision was intended to cover the presidency.

The court stayed its decision until Jan. 4, or until the U.S. Supreme Court rules on the case. Colorado officials say the issue must be settled by Jan. 5, the deadline for the state to print its presidential primary ballots.

“We do not reach these conclusions lightly,” wrote the court’s majority. “We are mindful of the magnitude and weight of the questions now before us. We are likewise mindful of our solemn duty to apply the law, without fear or favor, and without being swayed by public reaction to the decisions that the law mandates we reach.”

Trump’s attorneys had promised to appeal any disqualification immediately to the nation’s highest court, which has the final say about constitutional matters.

Trump’s legal spokeswoman Alina Habba said in a statement Tuesday night: “This ruling, issued by the Colorado Supreme Court, attacks the very heart of this nation’s democracy. It will not stand, and we trust that the Supreme Court will reverse this unconstitutional order.”

Trump didn’t mention the decision during a rally Tuesday evening in Waterloo, Iowa, but his campaign sent out a fundraising email citing what it called a “tyrannical ruling.”

Republican National Committee chairwoman Ronna McDaniel labeled the decision “Election interference” and said the RNC’s legal team intends to help Trump fight the ruling.

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Trump lost Colorado by 13 percentage points in 2020 and doesn’t need the state to win next year’s presidential election. But the danger for the former president is that more courts and election officials will follow Colorado’s lead and exclude Trump from must-win states.

Dozens of lawsuits have been filed nationally to disqualify Trump under Section 3, which was designed to keep former Confederates from returning to government after the Civil War. It bars from office anyone who swore an oath to “support” the Constitution and then “engaged in insurrection or rebellion” against it, and has been used only a handful of times since the decade after the Civil War.

The Colorado case is the first where the plaintiffs succeeded. After a weeklong hearing in November, District Judge Sarah B. Wallace found that Trump indeed had “engaged in insurrection” by inciting the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, and her ruling that kept him on the ballot was a fairly technical one.

Trump’s attorneys convinced Wallace that, because the language in Section 3 refers to “officers of the United States” who take an oath to “support” the Constitution, it must not apply to the president, who is not included as an “officer of the United States” elsewhere in the document and whose oath is to “preserve, protect and defend” the Constitution.

The provision also says offices covered include senator, representative, electors of the president and vice president, and all others “under the United States,” but doesn’t name the presidency.

The state’s highest court didn’t agree, siding with attorneys for six Colorado Republican and unaffiliated voters who argued that it was nonsensical to imagine the framers of the amendment, fearful of former Confederates returning to power, would bar them from low-level offices but not the highest one in the land.

“You’d be saying a rebel who took up arms against the government couldn’t be a county sheriff, but could be the president,” attorney Jason Murray said in arguments before the court in early December.

Hindle was another replacement in what was a revolving door of county election officials across Nevada as the 2022 midterms approached. He had just unseated the interim clerk, who had stepped in after the prior clerk resigned.

But Hindle’s tenure in the heavily Republican county is part of a trend across battleground states where fake electors have retained influence over elections heading into 2024.

He is among six Republicans who were indicted this month by Democratic Attorney General Aaron Ford for their alleged roles in attempting to overturn the election outcome in the swing state, which Democrat Joe Biden carried by more than 33,000 votes over the GOP president.

Hindle and the others, who are scheduled to be arraigned Monday, coordinated with Trump’s team directly, according to transcripts of testimony before the U.S. House committee that investigated the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021.

Hindle told The Associated Press he will continue running local elections despite the charges. He declined to comment further.

Wisconsin, Arizona and Pennsylvania also have fake electors who are involved in the 2024 election.

The list includes Bob Spindell, who remains on Wisconsin’s bipartisan election commission despite calls from Democrats for him to be removed. A Republican legislative leader who appointed Spindell said last week that he will not rescind the appointment, calling the fake elector scheme a “failed legal strategy” and “not a sinister plot to overturn an election.”

Spindell and the fake electors in Wisconsin agreed to a settlement this month conceding that their actions were “part of an attempt to improperly overturn the 2020 presidential election results.”

In Arizona, fake electors Jake Hoffman and Anthony Kern are Republican legislators with powerful roles. Hoffman is chairman of the Senate Elections Committee, and Kern leads the Judiciary Committee. The Arizona attorney general is investigating the role of fake electors; no one has been charged.

Hoffman’s position makes him a gatekeeper for virtually all election-related legislation under consideration. That has become especially contentious in the Western swing state where Republicans have been aggressive in trying to overturn or cast doubt on Democratic victories.

The FBI in 2022 interviewed Sam DeMarco, a member of the three-member election board in Pennsylvania’s Allegheny County. Despite the subpoenas served to DeMarco and that state’s other GOP electors, they have faced no legal consequences after qualifying their electoral votes as “conditional” in case Trump had prevailed in court. DeMarco has often been critical of Trump’s influence on the state party.

Michigan is a rare example where a fake elector has lost influence due to charges. In July, the Michigan Bureau of Elections barred Shelby Township Clerk Stan Grot from running any elections as the state attorney general brought criminal charges against him and 15 other Republicans for their roles as fake electors.

In Nevada, Storey County’s 3,750 active registered voters represent a speck of the state’s electorate. Even while Hindle and others remain in their roles as elections officials and legislators, state election officials and state and federal courts can provide checks on their authority, said Wendy Weiser, director of the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice.

Nevada Secretary of State Cisco Aguilar’s office, which runs elections across the state, did not respond to questions about whether the indictment could affect Hindle’s elections role.

But Hindle’s influence does not stop at the county line. He is one of three fake electors involved in the state GOP’s organization of a party-run caucus in early February that is scheduled just days after the state-run presidential primary. The Nevada GOP has come under intense scrutiny for confusing voters with the dueling elections and for adopting rules that many say benefit Trump over other Republican candidates.

The Nevada GOP did not respond to a request for comment on whether the indictment affects members’ abilities to organize the caucus.

The Nevada Republican chairman, Michael McDonald, one of the indicted fake electors, has said the state party is bypassing the primary because the Democratic-controlled Legislature did not consider the Republican governor’s proposals for a voter ID requirement and other measures.

On Sunday, several of Nevada’s fake electors attended a Trump rally in Reno, where the former president thanked three of them personally, including Hindle and McDonald, while saying they were treated unfairly. He did not mention the specific charges.

McDonald introduced Trump at the rally, while encouraging the crowd to advocate and vote for Trump at the party-run caucus. He ended the speech with the same pledge he made at an October rally, before his indictment.

“You give us a fair election, I’ll give you the next president of the United States — Donald J. Trump,” he said.

___

Associated Press writers Jonathan J. Cooper in Phoenix, Scott Bauer in Madison, Wisconsin, Joey Cappelletti in Lansing, Michigan, and Marc Levy in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, contributed to this report.

The Biden administration, which is becoming more deeply involved in the talks, is facing pressure from all sides over any deal. Negotiators had hoped to reach a framework by the weekend, but that’s highly unlikely. Republican leaders signaled that without bill text, an upcoming procedural would likely fail.

The talks come as Donald Trump, the Republican presidential front-runner in 2024, delivered alarming anti-immigrant remarks about “blood” purity over the weekend, echoing Nazi slogans of World War II to cheers at a political rally.

“They’re poisoning the blood of our country,” Trump said about the record numbers of immigrants coming to the U.S. without immediate legal status.

Speaking in the early-voting state of New Hampshire, Trump, drew on words similar to Adolf Hitler’s “Mein Kempf” as the former U.S. president berated Biden’s team over the flow of migrants. “All over the world they’re pouring into our country,” Trump said.

Throughout the weekend, senators and top Biden officials, including Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, have been working intently behind closed doors at the Capitol to strike a border deal, which Republicans in Congress are demanding in exchange for any help for Ukraine, Israel and other national security needs. Mayorkas arrived for more talks late Sunday afternoon.

“One step at a time,” said Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., as he and Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, the Arizona independent, headed into talks.

The senators have insisted they are making progress, as they narrow on proposals to limit migrants from entering at the U.S.-Mexico border, but other influential lawmakers are doubtful any deal can be approved by Congress before year’s end.

Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina said senators don’t want to be “jammed” by a last-minute compromise reached by negotiators.

“We’re not anywhere close to a deal,” Graham, whose staff has joined the talks, said Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

Graham predicted the deliberations will go into next year. He was among 15 Republican senators who wrote to GOP leadership urging them to wait until the House returns Jan. 8 to discuss the issue.

Top GOP negotiator Sen. James Lankford of Oklahoma and Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell also signaled in their own letter Sunday that talks still had a ways to go, and that this week’s planned procedural vote would likely fail.

The Biden administration faces an increasingly difficult political situation as global migration is on a historic rise, and many migrants are fleeing persecution or leaving war-torn countries for the United States, with smugglers capitalizing on the situation.

The president is being berated daily by Republicans, led by Trump, as border crossings have risen to levels that make even some in Biden’s own Democratic Party concerned.

But the Biden administration, in considering revival of Trump-like policies, is drawing outrage from Democrats and immigrant advocates who say the ideas would gut the U.S. asylum system and spark fears of deportations from immigrants already living in the U.S.

The White House’s failure to fully engage Latino lawmakers in the talks until recently, or ensure a seat at the negotiating table, has led to a near revolt from leaders of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.

“It’s unacceptable,” said Rep, Nanette Barragan, D-Calif., chair of the Hispanic Caucus, on social media. “We represent border districts & immigrant communities that will be severely impacted by extreme changes to border policy.”

Progressives in Congress are also warning the Biden administration off any severe policies that would bar immigrants a legal path to enter the country. “No backroom deal on the border without the involvement of the House, the House Hispanic Caucus, Latino senators is going to pass,” said Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., on Fox News.

White House chief of staff Jeff Zients, along with Mayorkas, heard from leading Latino lawmakers during a conference call with the Hispanic Caucus on Saturday afternoon.

The senators and the White House appear to be focused on ways to limit the numbers of migrants who are eligible for asylum at the border, primarily by toughening the requirements to qualify for their cases to go forward.

The talks have also focused removing some migrants who have already been living in the U.S. without full legal status, and on ways to temporarily close the U.S.-Mexico border to some crossings if they hit a certain metric, or threshold. Arrests of migrants have topped 10,000 on some days.

There has also been discussion about limiting existing programs that have allowed groups of arrivals from certain countries to temporarily enter the U.S. while they await proceedings about their claims. Decades ago, those programs welcomed Vietnamese arrivals and others, and have since been opened to Ukrainians, Afghans and a group that includes Cubans, Nicaraguans, Venezuelans and Haitians.

Meanwhile, Biden’s massive $110 billion aid package for Ukraine, Israel and other security needs is hanging in the balance.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy made a dramatic, if disappointing, visit to Washington last week to plead with Congress and the White House for access to U.S. weaponry as his country fights against Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion.

Many, but not all, Republicans have soured on helping Ukraine fight Russia, taking their cues from Trump. The former president praised Putin, quoting the Russian leader during Saturday’s rally while slamming the multiple investigations against him as politically motivated — including the federal indictment against Trump for conspiring to overturn the 2020 election that resulted in the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol by a mob of Trump supporters.

Ukraine’s ambassador to the United States said Sunday she believes in “Christmas miracles” and won’t give up hope.

Of Biden’s package, some $61 billion would go toward Ukraine, about half of the money for the U.S. Defense Department to buy and replenish tanks, artillery and other weaponry sent to the war effort.

“All the eyes are on Congress now,” the envoy, Oksana Markarova, said on CBS’ “Face the Nation.”

“We can just only pray and hope that there will be resolve there, and that the deal that they will be able to reach will allow the fast decisions also on the support to Ukraine,” she said.

The House already left for the holiday recess, but Republican Speaker Mike Johnson is being kept aware of the negotiations in the Senate.

The backing of the popular governor, who isn’t running for reelection next year, could be an important factor in New Hampshire’s first-in-the-nation presidential primary.

Sununu appeared with Haley at a 6 p.m. town hall in Manchester on Tuesday, introducing her to the crowd as “the next president of the United States.”

A representative shared a statement from Sununu to NBC News ahead of the event: “I look forward to joining Nikki at her town hall this evening — it’s going to be a lot of fun!”

Haley posted a similar message Tuesday:

Sununu has built a reputation as a centrist, at times criticizing former President Donald Trump, who’s been leading the polls in New Hampshire and elsewhere in the 2024 primary. Haley, a former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations and governor of South Carolina, has pulled into second place in many polls of residents in the Granite State, ahead of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.

“People say to me, they say, ‘Look, governor, we’re like you. We were with Trump in ’16. We were with Trump in ’20,'” Sununu said at Tuesday’s event. “But things are too critical. So we’re just going to say a polite ‘Thank you for your service, Mr. President.’ We’re moving on, because this is New Hampshire and we go forward.”

Sununu at one point was discussing possibly running for the Republican nomination for president, but eventually said he wouldn’t seek it.

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As usual, former President Donald Trump, who is dominating the GOP primary, didn’t appear. Instead, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, businessman Vivek Ramaswamy and former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie continued their effort to gain a sliver of the spotlight in the race.

Here are some takeaways from the final primary debate of 2023.

Afraid to take on Trump

The front-runner in the Republican primary has no end of vulnerabilities. He faces 91 criminal charges and just the night before repeatedly refused to rule out abusing power if he returns to office.

But, as has been the pattern, Trump was ignored during much of the debate. There was one great exception in the second hour, when the moderators asked Christie about Trump. The onetime New Jersey governor complained that his three primary rivals have been silent about the threats Trump presents to democracy.

“You want to know why these poll numbers are where they are?” Christie asked. “Because folks like these three people on this stage want to make it seem like his conduct is acceptable.”

Christie then began jousting with DeSantis, who confined his criticism of Trump to the former president’s age and failure to achieve all of his agenda in his first term. “Is he fit to be president or isn’t he?” Christie asked. “Is he fit? Ron, Ron? He’s afraid to answer.”

Ramaswamy accused his rivals of all “licking Donald Trump’s boots,” but then proceeded to argue the Jan. 6,2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol was an “inside job” — hardly distancing himself from the former president and his penchant for lies and misinformation.

Ramaswamy has been particularly adept at pulling fire away from Trump. The 38-year-old political novice and pharmaceutical entrepreneur has specialized in grating, personal attacks that his rivals just can’t bring themselves to ignore.

On Wednesday, he challenged Haley to name three Ukrainian provinces that he claimed his 3-year-old could identify, and Christie, who had tried to launch an attack on Trump to open the debate, exploded.

“All he knows how to do is insult good people who have committed their lives to public service,” Christie said.

Minutes later, Haley took an unusual swing at Trump for failing to go further than simple trade actions against China. But DeSantis jumped in, attacking Haley for her relationship with China. The two Republicans began snapping at each other, leaving Trump unmentioned.

By the end, the moderators asked the candidates which previous president inspired them. No one named Trump.

Haley under attack

Haley was under attack from the opening seconds of the debate. And it didn’t let up for almost 20 minutes, a clear reminder that the former United Nations ambassador’s opponents see her as a growing threat in the race.

DeSantis amped up the pressure as he answered the debate’s opening question, which was about his struggling campaign.

“You have other candidates up here, like Nikki Haley, she caves every time the left comes after her,” DeSantis said, casting himself as a fighter.

The Florida governor then seized on Haley’s recent support from Wall Street and at least one major Democratic donor. Ramaswamy soon joined in, highlighting the personal wealth Haley accumulated since leaving the public office.

“That math doesn’t add up,” Ramaswamy charged. “It adds up to the fact you’re corrupt.” Minutes later, Ramaswamy called Haley a fascist.

Haley defended herself aggressively. But as the political adage goes, if you’re explaining, you’re probably losing.

“I love all the attention, fellas, thank you,” she said.

And she drew some applause from the crowd when she pushed back against the criticism of her political donations.

“In terms of these donors that are supporting me, they’re just jealous. They wish they were supporting them,” she said.

Christie has faced questions about why he’s not dropping his struggling campaign and backing Haley, who shares many of his more moderate views. While he’s not showing any sign of leaving soon, he took the opportunity to defend Haley, particularly from Ramaswamy’s heated critiques.

“This is a smart, accomplished woman,” Christie told Ramaswamy during an animated exchange. “You should stop insulting her.”

Capitalist contradiction

One candidate was attacked for sitting on a corporate board and being too close to big business. Others fretted about a plot by giant firms to re-engineer the country’s politics — and then one said he wants to gut government regulations to free up business.

This wasn’t a Democratic debate, dominated by that party’s skepticism of corporate titans. The Republican party in the era of Trump is a lot more conflicted about business and industry than in its prior, free-market form.

That was obvious from the first set of questions aimed at Haley, who was asked whether her roles on corporate boards and donations from major companies would sit well with the party’s “working-class voters.”

DeSantis and Ramaswamy continued to hit Haley over that dynamic, even as Haley quipped they were just “jealous” of her donor support. DeSantis also claimed Haley wanted to let in as many immigrants as “the corporations” desired and boasted about how he withdrew $2 billion of Florida public pension money from a hedge fund over its use of environmental, social and corporate governance.

“They want to use economic power to impose a left-wing agenda in this country,” DeSantis said of some corporations’ embrace of ESG, an effort to use progressive principles in investing.

But then Ramaswamy bemoaned the way the government doesn’t fully recognize cryptocurrencies as a real financial instrument, and segued into promising to eliminate three-quarters of the government bureaucrats to cut regulations. That is a routine promise of Ramaswamy’s, and comes as the U.S. Supreme Court is poised to consider a case that could sharply limit how the federal government can regulate industries, a longtime goal of conservative activists who helped assemble a six-judge majority on the high court.

Later, Ramaswamy took yet another turn, arguing there should be strict bans on the back-and-forth between staffers in business and government. “I don’t think that we should want capitalism and democracy to share the same bed anymore,” he said. “It’s time for a clean divorce.”

The GOP’s contradictions over corporations weren’t an explicit subject of the debate, but they were an undercurrent that won’t be resolved for a while.

Split over rights for transgender people

On immigration, on the economy and on China, the candidates on stage largely agreed. One policy area where there were real differences? Transgender rights.

The issue was barely on the national radar in the last presidential election. But in 2024, it is a centerpiece of the GOP’s increasing focus on cultural issues.

Haley defended her decision, back when she was governor, to decline to support a law that would have limited bathroom use to a person’s gender assigned on their birth certificate.

DeSantis pounced. As Florida governor, he insisted he did more to crack down on transgender rights than anyone on stage.

“I stood up for little girls, you didn’t,” he chided Haley.

DeSantis also offered a fiery argument for laws that block parents from allowing their children to receive transgender-related medical treatment.

Christie pushed back. He also reminded his rivals that conservatives used to believe in less government, not more.

“These jokers in Congress, it takes them three weeks to pick a speaker… and we’re going to put my children’s health in their hands?” the former New Jersey governor said. “As a parent, this is a choice I get to make.”

The Bizarro primary gets more bizarre

For the past seven months, the political world has watched a sort of Bizarro primary unfold — a number of Republican politicians have insisted they will become the next president while the last one, Trump, leaves them in the dust.

For those not in the know, Bizarro was a Superman character who came from a world where everything was scrambled. It’s been hard to escape that upside-down feeling as, every month, there’s another debate that Trump skips where no one does anything to change the trajectory of the race.

Wednesday night was an example. The debate was on NewsNation, a little-viewed upstart cable channel. The debate also aired on CW stations — but only in the eastern and central time zones.

Indeed, one big question was whether the debate’s ratings would be surpassed by those of DeSantis’ faceoff with California’s Democratic governor, Gavin Newsom, on Fox News last week. The Republican National Committee is expected to soon announce whether it’ll allow further unsanctioned debates. At least one more debate is expected before the Jan. 15 Iowa Caucus.

Perhaps the ultimate Bizarro twist would be if these confrontations mattered in the presidential election. You can never tell when something unexpected might happen in politics. But the time for these debates to matter, if it ever existed, is rapidly running out.

With just over a month before the 2024 primary calendar begins, the debate demonstrated how firm Trump’s grip remains on the party.

But the focus on Haley reflected how other candidates perceive her as a threat to their chances of taking on Trump directly. Aside from former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, most the candidates have spent more time in debates going after each other than taking aim at Trump, reflecting the former president’s popularity among Republicans and what many see as diminishing returns in attacking him.

The last scheduled debate before Iowa’s GOP caucuses on Jan. 15 may have limited impact on the race, airing on a lesser-known television network, NewsNation, from a state Republican presidential candidates have carried since 1980.

Trump remains dominant in national and early-state polls. And after holding counterprogramming rallies during the first three debates, he didn’t bother this time and instead went to a closed-door fundraiser. His campaign posted an ad during the debate focusing on President Joe Biden as both parties head toward a potential rematch of the 2020 election Trump lost.

Christie repeatedly tore into Trump on Wednesday and challenged Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis to answer directly if he believed Trump was fit or unfit to be president again. The crowd at the University of Alabama booed him at one point as he attacked Trump.

“His conduct is unacceptable. He’s unfit. And be careful of what you’re going to get,” warned Christie, who has been alone among leading Republicans in his focus on the race’s clear front-runner.

“There is no bigger issue in this race than Donald Trump,” he said earlier.

DeSantis suggested Trump, who is 77, is too old for the job.

“Over a four-year period, it is not a job for someone that’s pushing 80,” DeSantis said. “We need someone who’s younger.”

Biotech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy again raised his hand as a candidate who would support Trump even if he were convicted in any of the four felony indictments he faces. Ramaswamy accused his other opponents of bowing to Trump for years to secure political posts or financial gain, but the closest the 38-year-old ever came to criticizing Trump was to call for a new generation of leadership.

Haley stood silently during the extended discussion, and neither the moderators nor her rivals asked for her opinion.

The debate’s brief focus on Trump was a reprieve for Haley, who spent most of the debate on the defensive.

DeSantis accused Haley of backing down from media criticism and Ramaswamy suggested she was too close to corporate interests as she gets new attention from donors. He touted his own willingness to pick high-profile fights with his critics and went after Haley just moments into the debate, reflecting the rivalry between the two candidates reflected in dueling early-state television ads.

They also tussled over China, long an animating issue for conservatives worried about Beijing’s influence. Later in the debate, Haley credited Trump for taking a hard line with Beijing on trade but said he was too passive on other fronts, including allowing China to capture American technology for its own military use and purchase American farmland.

Interrupting Haley, DeSantis accused her of allowing Chinese investment in South Carolina when she was governor and suggested her corporate donors would never allow her to be tough on Beijing.

“First of all, he’s mad because those Wall Street donors used to support him and now they support me,” Haley retorted before accusing DeSantis of being soft on Chinese investment in Florida.

Ramaswamy, always the most eager to deliver personal barbs on the debate stage, turned a foreign policy discussion into another attack on Haley, seemingly trolling her to name provinces in Ukraine and suggesting she does not understand the country. As he kept piling on, Christie stepped in to declare Haley “a smart, accomplished woman” and dismiss Ramaswamy as “the most obnoxious blowhard in America.”

With Trump absent, the atmosphere around the debate lacked some of the buzz sometimes associated with such affairs, especially in ostensibly open primaries. Less than two hours to go before the opening salvo, the media room, which is normally the practice hall for the University of Alabama’s Million Dollar Band, was barely half full. The television and radio platforms around the periphery — the spin room, in debate parlance — were noticeably quiet, lacking the high-profile surrogates or campaign staffers who might normally be appearing live on cable news or talk radio to pitch on their candidates’ behalf.

Outside Moody Music Hall on campus, more buzz came from state high school football championship games being played in Bryant-Denny Stadium.

The debate may have been hard to find for many prospective viewers. It aired on NewsNation, a cable network still trying to build its audience after taking over WGN America three years ago. NewsNation’s Elizabeth Vargas moderated alongside Megyn Kelly, a former Fox News anchor who now hosts a popular podcast, and Eliana Johnson of the conservative news site Washington Free Beacon.

The field of invited candidates has shrunk in half since eight were on the stage at the first debate in Milwaukee in August, as the Republican National Committee tightened the criteria to reach the stage each time. For Tuesday, candidates had to get at least 6% in multiple polls and amass 80,000 unique donors.

Former Vice President Mike Pence, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott and North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum have all dropped out of the race after participating in at least one debate. Former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson is continuing his campaign but failed to qualify.

The debate setting in Alabama was another reminder of Trump’s strong position — and how he outpaced an even larger Republican field when he first ran and won in 2016. Trump swept Southern primaries from Virginia to Arkansas and Louisiana in his first campaign.

He further demonstrated his hold this week with an endorsement from Alabama Sen. Katie Britt, who ascended in Republican politics from the party’s establishment wing but chose the debate in her home state as the right time to align herself with the former president.

Stoney, 42, made his formal announcement in a video that highlighted his modest upbringing and the struggles he overcame to become the first in his family to graduate from high school and college.

“That’s why I’m running for governor. For families like mine that just need an opportunity. For kids like me, who will thrive in school if they just get the right chance,” he said. “And for parents like my dad, who work multiple jobs and still struggle to live a secure, middle-class life.”

Stoney’s entrance into the race sets up a Democratic nomination contest with U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger, a former CIA officer who has cultivated an identity as a bipartisan consensus builder over three terms in Congress. Spanberger, who if elected would be the state’s first female governor, announced her bid last month, and others could still enter the field.

No Republicans have announced campaigns yet, though Attorney General Jason Miyares and Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears are seen as likely contenders. Under state law, GOP Gov. Glenn Youngkin cannot seek a second consecutive term.

In his video announcement and an interview Monday morning, Stoney criticized Youngkin’s leadership as out of step with voters’ values.

“I think many Virginians are sick of a governor who was out there focused on banning abortion and banning books and making it harder for people to vote instead of actually focused on how do they climb the economic ladder into the middle class,” he said.

Youngkin’s press office defended his record in a statement that noted his solid approval ratings. And the Republican Party of Virginia criticized Stoney as a “far-left radical,” saying he failed Richmond as mayor and would be a “a disaster for Virginia.”

Stoney, who has two decades of experience in Virginia politics, served as the first Black Secretary of the Commonwealth — a cabinet position — under former Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe, with whom Stoney is close.

In that role, Stoney oversaw the process of restoring the voting and other civil rights of felons who had completed their sentences, an effort that McAuliffe accelerated and called the most important legacy of his term.

Stoney went on to win a competitive race in 2016 to become the youngest person to serve as mayor of the state’s capital city. He was re-elected in 2020.

In his gubernatorial campaign launch, he also touted his efforts to improve Richmond residents’ lives by tackling what he called “generational problems” — improving the city’s finances, fixing its roads, building new schools and reducing the poverty rate.

He also emphasized his role in directing the removal of Richmond’s enormous collection of Confederate monuments amid the racial justice protests that followed George Floyd’s killing in 2020.

Stoney, who is Black and if elected would be the second African American person to serve as governor, said at the time that the statues’ removal would send a message that the onetime capital of the Confederacy was no longer a place with symbols of oppression and white supremacy.

“Those statues stood high for over 100 years for a reason, and it was to intimidate and to show Black and brown people in this city who was in charge,” he said in the summer of 2020.

Stoney has been involved in Virginia politics since his college days at James Madison University. He worked as a fellow in the office of then-Gov. Mark Warner, then joined John Kerry’s campaign for president. He’s since worked on several other statewide campaigns and at the Democratic Party of Virginia, serving as political director and then executive director.

While Stoney said he sees his current base of support in the central Virginia African American community, he thinks his work, executive experience and life story will help him connect with voters around Virginia, arguing he’s the “only candidate that can campaign everywhere.”

“I truly believe that the voters, the Democratic voters, want someone who has run something, and I’m going to lay out that record at that vision over the course of the next 18 months” ahead of the primary, he said.

Connor Joseph, a spokesperson for Spanberger, said in a written statement that “Virginians know and trust Abigail’s record of public service, her commitment to bringing people together, and her track record of getting things done against tremendous odds — while winning tough races.”

Stoney lives in Richmond with his wife, Brandy. The two are expecting their first child in March.

Democrats in Michigan have warned the White House that Biden’s handling of the Israel-Hamas war could cost him enough support within the Arab American community to sway the outcome of the 2024 presidential election.

Leaders from Michigan, Minnesota, Arizona, Wisconsin, Florida, Georgia, Nevada and Pennsylvania gathered behind a lectern that read “Abandon Biden, ceasefire now” in Dearborn, Michigan, the city with the largest concentration of Arab Americans in the United States.

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The Health Ministry in Hamas-ruled Gaza on Saturday updated the death toll in the Israel-Hamas war to 15,200 people in Gaza, roughly two-thirds of them women and minors. Some 1,200 Israelis have been killed, most during the Oct. 7 attack on Israel by Hamas that triggered the war.

Biden’s unwillingness to call for a ceasefire has damaged his relationship with the American Muslim community beyond repair, according to Minneapolis-based Jaylani Hussein, who helped organize the conference.

“Families and children are being wiped out with our tax dollars,” Hussein said. “What we are witnessing today is the tragedy upon tragedy.”

Hussein, who is Muslim, told The Associated Press: “The anger in our community is beyond belief. One of the things that made us even more angry is the fact that most of us actually voted for President Biden. I even had one incident where a religious leader asked me, ‘How do I get my 2020 ballot so I can destroy it?” he said.

White House spokesperson Andrew Bates previously said the Biden administration has pushed for humanitarian pauses in the fighting to get humanitarian aid into Gaza, adding that “fighting against the poison of antisemitism and standing up for Israel’s sovereign right to defend itself have always been core values for President Biden.”

Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania were critical components of the “blue wall” of states that Biden returned to the Democratic column, helping him win the White House in 2020. About 3.45 million Americans identify as Muslim, or 1.1% of the country’s population, and the demographic tends to lean Democratic, according to Pew Research Center.

But leaders said Saturday that the community’s support for Biden has vanished as more Palestinian men, women and children are killed in Gaza.

“We are not powerless as American Muslims. We are powerful. We don’t only have the money, but we have the actual votes. And we will use that vote to save this nation from itself,” Hussein said at the conference.

The Muslim community leaders’ condemnation of Biden does not indicate support for former President Donald Trump, the clear front-runner in the Republican primary, Hussein clarified.

“We don’t have two options. We have many options. And we’re going to exercise that,” he said.

___

Savage is a corps member for the Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

Instead, the 90-minute meeting was a hard-to-explain event that pitted one struggling Republican presidential hopeful against a Democratic rival who may or may not seek the presidency in four years.

But for a night, at least, the big-state governors were eager to represent their parties on the national stage as they battled over the economy, pandemic restrictions and President Joe Biden’s leadership in a Fox News showdown peppered with fiery policy clashes and personal insults.

“This is a slick, slippery politician whose state is failing,” DeSantis said of Newsom.

Newsom defended California but also highlighted DeSantis’ stagnant 2024 presidential bid.

“How’s that going for you, Ron? You’re down 41 points in your own home state,” said Newsom, who is backing Biden for president. “Neither of us will be the nominee for a party in 2024.”

The host, Fox News Channel, billed the 90-minute affair hosted by Sean Hannity as “The Great Red vs. Blue State Debate.” Yet it was held in a television studio with no audience in Georgia, a location chosen for its key swing-state implications in national politics. And it played out in the heart of presidential primary season with voters in both parties paying closer attention to their 2024 options heading into next fall’s general election.

As leaders of two of the three most populous states, DeSantis and Newsom have spent much of the past year poking each other’s policy choices and leadership style from afar. But on Thursday night, they got their first chance to challenge each other on the same national stage.

It was hard to watch at times.

The two participants, standing at podiums alone onstage, talked over each other often. Hannity struggled to control the action. Over and over, he encouraged the men to give each other “breathing room.”

DeSantis, a 45-year-old Republican governor elected to his second and final term last fall, is grasping for momentum in a 2024 campaign plagued by missteps in his bid to defeat former President Donald Trump, who remains the overwhelming front-runner in the GOP primary.

Newsom, California’s 56-year-old term-limited Democratic governor, has positioned himself to seek the presidency someday, but like the rest of his party’s most ambitious leaders, he declined to challenge President Joe Biden for the Democratic nomination in 2024. Instead, he’s emerged as a leading defender of Biden and a formal campaign adviser.

He embraced that role Thursday night after DeSantis said he was “joined at the hip with Biden and (Vice President Kamala) Harris.” Later, the Florida governor said that Biden, at 80 years old, is ”in decline” and represents “a danger to the country.”

“I’m proud of the work Biden and Harris have done,” Newsom said, ticking through unemployment statistics. “I will take Joe Biden at 100 rather than Ron DeSantis any day of the week at any age.”

Throughout the event, the Biden campaign was sending out video clips of Newsom’s performance. DeSantis’ team, too, was issuing a steady stream of his own highlights, just as it would during a traditional presidential debate.

Indeed, both Newsom and DeSantis saw Thursday night’s meeting as a real opportunity to strengthen their political standing in the short and longer term.

DeSantis’ allies have been talking up the event in recent days as a rare opportunity to prove his strength against one of the nation’s most prominent Democrats — a sharp contrast from recent Republican presidential debates where he’s struggled to break through on a stage where the candidates agree on most issues. And even some of DeSantis’ Republican rivals privately acknowledged he would likely raise a significant amount of money through online donations as a result of the appearance.

Meanwhile, Newsom, who, like DeSantis, will be out of a job come January 2027, has been eager to broaden his political profile ahead of a possible presidential bid in 2028 — or sooner, should the 81-year-old Biden unexpectedly drop out. Newsom has repeatedly shut down whispers about his interest in a 2024 bid.

But on Thursday, the California Democrat was speaking to a new set of voters on the conservative-friendly Fox News, in line with his recent political strategy. In March, Newsom launched the “Campaign for Democracy” committee, which has allowed him to travel to red states that Democrats typically avoid.

Newsom has paid particular attention to Florida as DeSantis racked up conservative policy wins in recent years that pushed the purple state farther and farther to the right. In turn, DeSantis traveled to California earlier in the year and posted a video to social media highlighting drug use and homelessness in San Francisco, blaming the state’s “leftist policies.”

When Thursday’s conversation turned to the pandemic, DeSantis called Newsom “a lockdown governor” who did “damage” to working people in California while his own kids went to private school.

Newsom was not deterred.

Echoing a criticism from Trump, the California Democrat reminded viewers that DeSantis initially backed many of the same pandemic restrictions that he now condemns. He also said DeSantis’ later opposition to public health restrictions led to unnecessary deaths in Florida.

“Tens of thousands of people lost their lives. And for what, Ron?” Newsom asked.

Trump’s campaign, aware that the unusual event was drawing national attention, unleashed a slew of fresh insults at DeSantis, one of his strongest Republican primary rivals, in a statement shortly before it began.

“Ron DeSanctimonious is acting more like a thirsty, third-rate OnlyFans wannabe model than an actual presidential candidate,” the Trump campaign wrote, using one of the many nicknames the former president has given his rival. “Instead of actually campaigning and trying to turn around his dismal poll numbers, DeSanctus is now so desperate for attention that he’s debating a Grade A loser like Gavin Newsom.”

That complicated process was highlighted in the nomination plans released Tuesday evening by the Republican National Committee, which lays out numerous ways in which states will assign the delegates that a candidate must accumulate to win the party’s nod to become its presidential candidate in 2024.

Although voters across the country cast ballots for their preferred presidential candidate during the presidential primary season, it’s actually the delegates to the national party conventions who select the presidential nominees for each major party. Much like in the general election, where a candidate needs a majority of votes in the Electoral College to win the White House, in the primaries, candidates need a majority of delegate votes at the convention to win the party’s presidential nomination. Winning the popular vote in a primary or caucus may give a candidate bragging rights and media attention, but it’s the candidate who accumulates a majority of delegates who ultimately advances to the general election.

Here are the basics about the delegate selection process that you should know as the primary campaign gets underway in less than seven weeks:

What is a delegate?

In the context of presidential elections, delegates are individuals who represent their state or community at their party’s presidential nominating convention. These delegates choose a presidential candidate to represent the national party in the November general election. They also approve the party’s platform and adopt rules governing the party. Delegates tend to be party insiders or activists or early supporters of a particular presidential candidate.

How many delegates are there?

Both the Democratic and Republican national conventions will feature thousands of delegates representing all 50 states plus the District of Columbia and several U.S. territories. Democrats will have about 3,900 voting delegates for the first ballot at the convention, and more than 4,600 for subsequent rounds of voting, if necessary. Republicans will have 2,429 delegates voting at the convention.

What kinds of delegates are there?

Delegates can be divided into two broad categories: pledged and unpledged, as Democrats call them, or bound and unbound, as Republicans call them.

Pledged and bound delegates must vote for a particular presidential candidate at the convention based on the results of the primary or caucus in their state. These are the delegates who are up for grabs on any given primary or caucus night. The requirement to vote for a specific candidate lasts at least through the first round of voting at the convention, but depending on state and party rules, some pledged and bound delegates become free to vote for any candidate on subsequent rounds of voting.

Pledged and bound delegates can be further divided into at-large delegates and district delegates. At-large delegates represent the entire state, while district delegates represent specific districts within the state, usually congressional districts but sometimes state legislative districts. Democrats have an additional type of pledged delegate that Republicans do not: party leaders and elected officials, or PLEOs. These tend to be notable local elected and party officials, though not governors or members of the U.S. Senate or House.

Unpledged and unbound delegates may support any presidential candidate regardless of the primary or caucus results in their state or local district. On the Democratic side, unpledged delegates may not vote on the first ballot in a closely contested race but are free to vote for any candidate in subsequent rounds of voting. Democrats adopted this rule after the 2016 election in order to limit the power of unpledged delegates, formerly known as “superdelegates.” All Democratic governors, U.S. senators and representatives, current and former Democratic National Committee chairs and former presidents serve as unpledged delegates.

For Republicans, delegates from Guam, Montana, New Mexico and South Dakota will be unbound and free to vote for the candidate of their choice, according to the plans released Tuesday.

How does a candidate ‘win’ delegates?

Candidates win delegates in a state based on their performance in an election or some type of presidential preference event, usually a primary or a caucus. But the two major parties have vastly different approaches in determining exactly how delegates are allocated to candidates.

How do Republicans allocate delegates?

For Republicans, state parties are mostly free to determine how to award delegates to presidential candidates, although the RNC does establish some guidelines and restrictions. The most common delegate allocation methods are:

— Proportional: Candidates are awarded delegates in proportion to the share of the vote they receive in the primary or caucus. There are many variations of proportional allocation methods. Some states allocate all their delegates in proportion to the statewide vote. Others allocate just their statewide delegates according to the statewide vote and their district delegates according to the vote in each district. Many states require that candidates meet a certain vote threshold at either the statewide or district level to qualify for any delegates. Under RNC rules, states holding contests before March 15 must use a proportional allocation method, and can use a threshold of no more than 20% of the vote for a candidate to qualify for delegates.

— Winner-take-all: The candidate who receives the most votes in a primary or caucus wins every delegate at stake in that contest. Only contests held March 15 or later may allocate delegates on a winner-take-all basis.

— Hybrid: Some states allocate delegates using a mix of proportional and winner-take-all methods. A common combination is majority-take-all, in which statewide delegates are awarded proportionally, though one candidate can win them all if they get more than 50% of the vote. Congressional district delegates would be awarded the same way, based on results in each individual district. Those combinations are allowed for the states that are otherwise required to allocate their delegates proportionally.

— Direct election of delegates: Under this method, delegates are elected directly by voters.

How do Democrats allocate delegates?

Unlike Republicans, Democrats have a standardized rule that all state parties must observe. Candidates win at-large and PLEO delegates in proportion to their share of the statewide vote. They also win district delegates in proportion to their share of the vote in each congressional district. Candidates must receive at least 15% of the statewide vote to qualify for any statewide delegates and at least 15% of votes in a congressional district to qualify for delegates in that district.

When will the first delegates be allocated?

The Republican delegate selection process will begin with the Iowa caucuses on Jan. 15 and the New Hampshire primary on Jan. 23. Nevada and South Carolina will hold delegate contests in February. According to party rules, the Democratic delegate selection process will begin with the South Carolina primary on Feb. 3, with Nevada and Michigan holding contests later that month. New Hampshire is holding a Democratic primary on Jan. 23 in violation of DNC rules, and the DNC has not yet said whether and how that will impact the state’s delegate allotment. The bulk of Democratic and Republican contests will be held between March and June.

Newsom, 56, has talked about eventually running for president but is backing President Joe Biden’s reelection in 2024. DeSantis, 45, entered the 2024 GOP presidential race six months ago as the perceived top challenger to Donald Trump, only to fail to dent the former president’s commanding early lead in the party’s primary.

DeSantis is betting big on Iowa’s first-in-the-nation presidential caucuses on Jan. 15 and could still turn things around. For now, though, he’s in a fight for second with former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, with both well behind Trump.

The 90-minute event — billed by Fox News Channel as “The Great Red vs. Blue State Debate” — will occur at a studio in Alpharetta, Georgia, north of Atlanta, a location chosen for its key swing-state implications. There won’t be an audience, but the moderator is Fox host Sean Hannity, who has sparred with Newsom during past television appearances.

DeSantis could use a strong showing before a national audience to build momentum before Iowa’s caucuses. For Newsom, it’s a chance to reach Fox’s conservative audience.

Hannity has suggested the event will highlight the participants’ differing visions for the future. Florida is a onetime battleground where fiercely conservative DeSantis easily won reelection last year, while California is the country’s largest Democratic state.

Last year, amid some unease among Democrats about Biden’s reelection prospects, Newsom’s name was floated as a potential replacement for 2024. Newsom shut those rumors down, but he’s continued to spend his campaign money on ads in Republican-led states, including Texas and DeSantis’ Florida, and has visited Republican areas on Biden’s behalf.

“Whether Newsom or Biden is the Democrat nominee in ’24, they both offer the same failed and dangerous ideology for America that helped get us in this mess,” DeSantis spokesperson Andrew Romeo posted on X, formerly Twitter. “We look forward to putting Ron DeSantis’ record of success up against it.”

Newsom also is serving on the president’s reelection campaign’s national advisory board. When the Republican presidential candidates gathered at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California, for their second presidential primary debate in September, Newsom served as a chief onsite spokesperson for Biden’s campaign.

“This was a nothingburger you will forget,” he said of that debate.

Presumably, he won’t have that opinion after facing off with DeSantis.

The former president and current front-runner for the 2024 Republican nomination arrived at Williams-Brice Stadium in Columbia on Saturday night to chants of “We want Trump! We want Trump!” from fans gathered for the annual Palmetto Bowl, the state’s biggest sporting event of the year.

Haley, a Clemson alumna and trustee who was twice elected South Carolina governor, did not attend.

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Trump was a guest of Gov. Henry McMaster, Haley’s successor. The entourage, which entered through a veritable tunnel of Trump supporters on its way to a private suite, also included South Carolina’s senior U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham, giving the former president a show of local political force at a game in Haley’s backyard.

McMaster ascended to the governor’s office in 2017 when Trump elevated Haley to United Nations ambassador. Graham and Haley have mostly been allies over the years. But both men now back Trump, and the former president enjoys a wide polling lead among Republican primary voters. That includes nationally and in early nominating states like South Carolina.

At halftime, Trump came down to the field with McMaster, drawing mostly cheers and a smattering of boos as he walked around, posed for a few photos and waved. ESPN’s broadcast on the SEC Network also showed the former president sitting with McMaster during the game.

Hours before kickoff, Trump’s campaign announced that he had been endorsed by “more South Carolina legislators than all opposing candidates combined,” including new backing from six state lawmakers who had previously supported U.S. Sen. Tim Scott, before the South Carolinian ended his presidential bid earlier this month.

Columbia was primed for Trump’s visit. Around the stadium Saturday afternoon, more than a half-dozen electronic billboards around the capital city of Columbia boasted a message noting Trump’s 2020 election loss and his pending legal cases: “You lost. You’re guilty. Welcome to Columbia, Donald.”

Some vendors around the venue, meanwhile, hawked Trump-related merchandise, including “Trump 2020” flags, from the previous election cycle. And some fans entering the stadium before Trump’s arrival chanted “Let’s Go Brandon!” — a derogatory reference to President Joe Biden, who defeated Trump in 2020.

“We do it big time in the South,” said Brandon Beach, a Georgia state senator and top Trump supporter, explaining why Trump would choose to come to the Palmetto Bowl. “President Trump knows he can connect with people, and they are going to connect with him.”

Asked about the coming primary matchup with Trump, Haley spokesperson Olivia Perez-Cubas called her “the only candidate with momentum” and referenced Haley’s previous come-from-behind victories.

“South Carolinians know their governor has what it takes to win because they’ve seen her beat the odds before — not just once, but twice,” she said.

Trump has enjoyed tweaking Haley in her own state before. “In 2016, South Carolina gave us 44 out of 46 counties – that’s not so bad,” he said at a state GOP dinner in August. “I can’t wait to win all 46. We want to win all 46.”

South Carolina falls fourth in the GOP voting calendar after Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada, with the state’s first-in-the-South primary coming up on Feb. 24, 2024. Several Southern states follow on March 5 as part of the Super Tuesday slate that puts more delegates up for grabs than any other day in the primary campaign.

Trump’s South Carolina and Super Tuesday romps in 2016 gave him a delegate lead he would never relinquish.

Haley has answered Trump in recent weeks by emphasizing her roots as she campaigns in Iowa, which opens voting nationally with its Jan. 15 caucuses.

“I’m not going anywhere,” she said recently in Ankeny, predicting a strong showing in the caucuses. “Then I go head-to-head with Trump in my home state of South Carolina. And we take it.”

Trump, who tried to buy an NFL team in the 1980s and ended up part of a failed alternative league, has enjoyed sports cameos over the years. But college football has afforded him his most generous welcomes. Earlier this fall, he attended the Iowa State-Iowa game in Ames, Iowa, including stopping at a fraternity house before kickoff. And while he was president, he attended the 2018 national championship game in Atlanta and the 2019 Alabama-LSU regular season game in Tuscaloosa, Alabama.

That Alabama game came just days after Trump was booed by professional baseball fans when he attended a World Series home game of the Washington Nationals.

___

Barrow reported from Atlanta.

Spanberger, 44, made the announcement in a campaign video, pledging to work to lower prescription drug prices, grow the middle class and ease inflation. Spanberger also vowed to focus on recruiting and retaining teachers “and stopping extremists from shredding women’s reproductive rights.”

“Our country and our Commonwealth are facing fundamental threats to our rights, our freedoms, and to our democracy,” said Spanberger, who won’t face a term-limited GOP Gov. Glenn Youngkin. “While some politicians in Richmond focus on banning abortion and books, what they’re not doing is helping people.”

Spanberger’s run could be a history-making one: Virginia has never had a female governor.

Spanberger represents Virginia’s 7th Congressional District, a key swing seat in Northern Virginia. Her decision not to seek reelection to the U.S. House, currently under narrow GOP control, is expected to lead to a competitive Democratic primary. The Republican field competing for the seat is already crowded, too.

Spanberger helped many of the 2023 Democratic legislative candidates with their campaigns and said in an interview with News4 that voters were frustrated with the focus on divisive issues.

“Across the board, what I heard from voters is that they want a state government that works, that functions. They don’t want politicians from Richmond dictating a woman’s choice. They don’t want politicians in Richmond debating whether to ban books. They want a public school system that works. They want to ensure there are teachers in the classrooms and the buses are on time,” she said.

Spanberger says she also will focus on continuing to build Virginia’s economy.

The National Republican Congressional Committee said Spanberger’s decision showed swing seat “Democrats are scrambling for the exits.”

“Republicans will flip this seat,” the group said in a statement posted on X, the social media platform formerly known as Twitter.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee pointed in part to Democrats’ wins last week in Virginia’s legislative elections to make the case that the district would stay in Democratic hands in 2024.

“Virginians have consistently made clear — including just last week — that they want leaders focused on protecting fundamental rights and freedoms, growing the middle-class, and delivering results for working families,” spokesperson Justin Chermol said in a statement.

Spanberger first won election to Congress in 2018 part of a wave of female candidates who helped Democrats retake the U.S. House in the midterms. She unseated GOP Rep. Dave Brat, who had ousted House Majority Leader Eric Cantor four years earlier in an upset victory for the tea party movement. She became the first Democrat to represent the 7th District — which then sprawled across central Virginia and included parts of the Richmond suburbs — in almost 50 years.

She faced a competitive reelection bid in 2020, when she defeated state legislator Nick Freitas in the district Republican President Donald Trump had won by 8 percentage points in 2016.

Redistricting overhauled the 7th District, shifting it northward, centering it around Fredericksburg and making it slightly more friendly to Democrats. Spanberger comfortably won reelection in 2022 over Republican challenger Yesli Vega, a local elected official who ran a spirited campaign.

Before jumping into politics, Spanberger worked as a law enforcement officer for the U.S. Postal Service, tracking narcotics traffickers and working money laundering cases, according to her campaign. She then joined the CIA as a case officer, with a workload that included counterterrorism and nuclear proliferation cases.

While embracing liberal positions on issues including abortion rights and LGBTQ rights, Spanberger is often described as a centrist moderate. In Congress, she’s displayed an independent streak, clashing at times with members of her own party, notably in her criticism of the “defund the police” movement. Spanberger, who serves on the U.S. House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and the U.S. House Agriculture Committee, did not vote for Democratic Rep. Nancy Pelosi as House speaker, and in her last run she welcomed the endorsement of a Republican police chief and then-GOP Rep. Liz Cheney.

In her announcement video, she touted her work on legislation to support veterans and small businesses and to provide addiction recovery services.

Spanberger, the first candidate to officially get in the 2025 race, is expected to have at least one competitor in a Democratic primary field that could still grow. Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney has confirmed he is considering a run, and a political adviser has said he will make an announcement about his political future by the end of the year.

Among Republicans, Attorney General Jason Miyares and Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears are widely seen as likely contenders, though neither has publicly committed to a run.

Miyares responded to Spanberger’s announcement, saying that Virginia had made “remarkable strides” under its current slate of Republican officeholders.

“The last thing Virginia needs is another far left DC politician,” he said on X.

Outgoing Republican state Sen. Amanda Chase, who lost a June primary and ran unsuccessfully for her party’s nomination for governor in 2021, has also said she may run.

Spanberger made her announcement less than a week after Democrats won full control of the General Assembly, dashing Youngkin’s hopes of securing a Republican trifecta in the final years of his term. Virginia uniquely prohibits its chief executives from seeking a second consecutive four years in office.

The Democratic primary had initially been expected to include former Virginia House Speaker Eileen Filler-Corn as well. But last month, she announced she would not make a bid for governor and will instead run next year to represent the competitive northern Virginia congressional seat being vacated by a fellow Democrat, U.S. Rep. Jennifer Wexton. State Sen. Jennifer Boysko also recently joined that race, which like the 7th District is expected to see a long list of Democratic contenders.

The South Carolina senator made the surprise announcement on “Sunday Night in America” with Trey Gowdy. The news was so abrupt that one campaign worker told The Associated Press that campaign staff found out Scott was dropping out by watching the show. The worker was not authorized to discuss the internal deliberations publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity.

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Former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy has not decided whether to seek reelection in 2024

The news comes as Scott, 58, continued to struggle in the polls and just days after the third Republican primary debate. The only Black Republican senator, Scott entered the race in May with more cash than any other Republican candidate but couldn’t find a lane in a field dominated by former President Donald Trump.

“I love America more today than I did on May 22,” Scott said Sunday night. “But when I go back to Iowa, it will not be as a presidential candidate. I am suspending my campaign. I think the voters who are the most remarkable people on the planet have been really clear that they’re telling me, ‘Not now, Tim.’”

Scott’s impending departure comes as he and the rest of the GOP field have struggled in a race that has been dominated by former President Donald Trump. Despite four criminal indictments and a slew of other legal challenges, Trump continues to poll far ahead of his rivals, leading many in the party to conclude the race is effectively over, barring some stunning change of fortune.

Scott, in particular, has had trouble gaining traction in the polls, despite millions spent on his behalf by high-profile donors. In his efforts to run a positive campaign, he was often overshadowed by other candidates — particularly on the debate stage, where he seemed to disappear as others sparred. It was unclear whether Scott would qualify for the fourth debate, which will require higher polling numbers and more unique donors.

He was the second high-profile Republican to depart from the race in the last couple of weeks, coming after former Vice President Mike Pence, who was still dealing with fallout from his decision to reject a scheme by Trump to overturn the results of the 2020 election, which was won by Democrat Joe Biden, and avoid a constitutional crisis.

Scott said he wouldn’t be making an endorsement of his remaining Republican rivals.

“The voters are really smart,” Scott said. “The best way for me to be helpful is to not weigh in on who they should endorse.”

He also appeared to rule out serving as vice president, saying the No. 2 slot “has never been on my to-do list for this campaign, and it’s certainly not there now.”

Scott’s departure leaves Nikki Haley, Trump’s first United Nations ambassador and the former South Carolina governor, as the sole South Carolinian in the race. As governor, Haley appointed Scott — then newly elected to his second U.S. House term — to the Senate in 2012, and the fact that both were in the 2024 race had created an uncomfortable situation for many of the donors and voters who had supported them both through the years.

It also sparked some unpleasant on-stage moments during the first three GOP debates, with the longtime allies — who for a time had also shared political consultants — trading tense jabs.

In a post on X on Sunday night, Haley called Scott “a good man of faith and an inspiration to so many,” adding that the GOP primary “was made better by his participation in it.”

Scott, a deeply religious former insurance broker, made his grandfather’s work in the cotton fields of the Deep South a bedrock of his political identity and of his presidential campaign. But he also refused to frame his own life story around the country’s racial inequities, insisting that those who disagree with his views on the issue are trying to “weaponize race to divide us,” and that “the truth of my life disproves their lies.”

He sought to focus on hopeful themes and avoid divisive language to distinguish himself from the grievance-based politics favored by rivals including Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.

Scott’s team was so surprised by his exit, in fact, that just 13 minutes before he announced his departure, his campaign sent out an email soliciting supporters for donations to further Scott’s “strong leadership and optimistic, positive vision to lead our country forward.” Saying that “EVERYTHING is on the line” to win the White House, the email went on offering readers “ONE LAST CHANCE to donate this weekend and help Tim reach his campaign goal.”

Campaign staffers expressed their extreme irritation to the AP in light of the candidate recently shifting staff and money from New Hampshire to Iowa in an effort to boost his standing in the leadoff caucus.

A senior staffer characterized the experience as incredibly frustrating, saying that staff had been working around the clock to accommodate the move, only to completely reverse it. The senior staffer was not permitted to publicly discuss the situation and spoke on condition of anonymity.

Donors also expressed surprise and sadness at Scott’s announcement, though they praised him for stepping aside to give Republicans a chance to coalesce behind a Trump alternative.

Eric Levine, a New York-based donor who was raising money for Scott, said he was caught totally by surprise.

“He stepped aside with dignity. He is a true patriot. I could not have been prouder to have supported him,” said Levine, a vocal Trump critic. He said he would now be supporting Haley.

“She is our last best hope to defeat Donald Trump and then take back the White House,” Levine said.

Chad Walldorf, a South Carolina businessman and longtime Scott supporter and donor, thought Scott’s decision was in the best interest of the Republican Party.

“I’ve always thought the field needs to winnow quickly so we can get behind a good alternative to Trump, so I greatly respect Tim for unselfishly stepping aside rather than waiting until too late,” Walldorf said.

Many of Scott’s former 2024 rivals issued statements Sunday night wishing him well.

DeSantis commended him as a “strong conservative with bold ideas about how to get our country back on track.”

“I respect his courage to run this campaign and thank him for his service to America and the U.S. Senate,” he wrote on social media.

Pence called Scott “a man of faith and integrity who brought his optimistic vision and inspiring personal story to people all across this country” and wished him “every blessing as he continues to serve South Carolina and America for many years to come.”

Trump’s campaign did not immediately respond to news of Scott’s exit. But Trump has been careful not to criticize the senator, leading some in his orbit to consider Scott a potential vice presidential pick.

The former president and his team had welcomed a large field of rivals, believing they would splinter the anti-Trump vote and prevent a clear challenger from emerging.

Scott’s next move is unclear. He has said that his 2022 Senate reelection would be his last and has at times been mentioned as a possible candidate for South Carolina governor, which is next up in 2026. Gov. Henry McMaster, a Trump backer, is term-limited, and the GOP primary is expected to be heated.

___

Associated Press writer Jill Colvin in New York contributed to this report.

During an exchange about whether he would support sending additional support to Ukraine, Ramaswamy, an aggressive critic of U.S. aid in the war between Ukraine and Russia, said he was “absolutely unpersuaded” by Zelenskyy’s calls for more help, before he launched into a sharply worded broadside against Zelenskyy and his government.

“Ukraine is not a paragon of democracy,” Ramaswamy said. “It has threatened not to hold elections this year unless the U.S. forks over more money. That is not democratic.”

“It has celebrated a Nazi in its ranks, the comedian in cargo pants, the man called Zelenskyy, doing it in their own ranks” Ramaswamy continued. “That is not democratic.”

Campaign spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin told NBC News that Ramaswamy had not called Zelenskyy a “Nazi” and that his remarks were in reference to an incident in September in Canada, when the country’s parliament held a celebration of a Ukrainian Canadian veteran who was later discovered to have served in a Nazi-aligned military unit.

Zelenskyy, who is Jewish, has said his great-grandparents were killed when the Nazis set their village on fire during World War II. 

Read the full story on NBCNews.com here.

Trump, the overwhelming front-runner in the race, skipped the event, as he has the first two, citing his polling advantage. There was no shortage of noteworthy confrontations on stage, as the participants debated the Israel-Hamas war, the future of abortion rights and Trump himself.

But with the Jan. 15 Iowa caucuses approaching, it seemed unlikely that the debate fundamentally changed the presidential nomination fight.

Here are some debate takeaways:

The foreign policy debate

Wednesday marked the first time the presidential candidates gathered on a debate stage since war broke out between Israel and Hamas, resulting in a sharper foreign policy conversation compared to previous forums.

The contenders were unified in offering robust support for Israel and bemoaned antisemitism, especially on liberal college campuses. But they said virtually nothing about protecting Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

The GOP’s familiar foreign policy split, however, resurfaced when the exchanges veered into the war in Ukraine, the possibility of China confronting Taiwan and how to handle Venezuela’s oil market.

Former United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott and former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie all sounded traditional GOP notes, backing military aid to Ukraine, calling for vastly increased investment in the military and linking all the global conflicts.

Biotech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy tried to set himself apart, claiming the rest of the stage was part of a bipartisan foreign policy establishment that blundered into repeated disasters in foreign wars. A longtime critic of aid to Ukraine, he followed up his condemnation of antisemitism by calling that country’s Jewish president “a Nazi.”

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis seemed like he was straddling the divide. At one point, he dodged a question about Ukraine and China by talking about boosting security on the southern border and suggesting he’d deport immigrants from the Middle East.

Taking on Trump

The candidates all talked tough. But the party divide over the Ukraine war ran subtly through the night and it’s not clear they’d each act the same should they actually make it to the Oval Office.

All of the candidates are trying to overtake Trump, who is the dominant front-runner in the primary. But for the most part, they’ve spent the primary campaign avoiding any opportunity to take on the former president.

That became harder during the first debate hosted by a network that wasn’t affiliated with the Trump-friendly Fox News. Moderators from NBC News opened by pressing the contenders to articulate why they — and not Trump — should become the Republican nominee.

There was hardly a robust takedown of Trump, who remains popular among the GOP base and hosted a rival event Wednesday. But DeSantis was the most forceful.

“Donald Trump’s a lot different guy than he was in 2016,” he said, declaring that Trump owed it to Republican primary voters to show up and explain his record.

The other candidates were less aggressive

But even DeSantis’ strong words spanned less than 30 seconds. And he stopped short of questioning Trump’s “balls” for skipping the debate, as he had in recent days.

The other candidates were less aggressive.

Asked why he’s a better nominee than Trump, Ramaswamy went so far as to blame Republican National Committee Chair Ronna McDaniel — not Trump — for the GOP’s repeated losses in national elections since Trump won the presidency in 2016.

When she was asked about Trump, Haley made a passing reference of the national debt that piled up under his watch. Scott said the GOP needs to win over independent voters. Christie devoted one sentence to highlighting Trump’s legal troubles.

The lack of pointed attacks against Trump may underscore the difficulty of attacking someone who’s not onstage. But his rivals didn’t try hard either. Wednesday’s debate is the latest example for why Trump may have been smart to skip the debates altogether.

decision 2024 Nov 8, 2023

GOP presidential candidates unified on Israel but divided on China as they debate without Trump

Supreme Court Oct 31, 2023

Senate Democrats plan to subpoena GOP megadonor over Supreme Court justices' travel

The Ramaswamy and Haley feud

There were five candidates on the debate stage, but the vendetta between two of them stood out — Haley and Ramaswamy.

The two children of Indian immigrants have collided during previous debates. But the tension intensified Wednesday night with Ramaswamy gleefully playing the role of aggressor. He took several initial digs at Haley — at one point he called her and DeSantis “Cheney in 3-inch heels,” a reference to controversial former Vice President Dick Cheney and his daughter Liz, a congresswoman excommunicated from the GOP for her criticism of Trump.

But it was halfway through the debate, after Haley said she’d respond to Ramaswamy’s digs rather than answer a question about banning Tik-Tok, that Ramaswamy made his most shocking attack.

Noting Haley hadn’t answered the question, Ramaswamy said, “Her own daughter was using the app for a long time, so you might want to take care of your daughter first.”

Haley responded by forcefully telling Ramaswamy to “leave my daughter out of your voice.” She later said, “You’re just scum.”

Ramaswamy has dominated all three of the debates with his pugnacious style. It hasn’t necessarily helped him politically — his biting attacks seem to turn off voters — but it drowns out all the other candidates. He’s also clearly gotten under the skin of his rivals, who spend precious time going after him.

A path forward on abortion

Ramaswamy has even less of a path to victory than the rest of the very distant field, and each debate he dominates is another lost opportunity for anyone to change the trajectory of the GOP primary.

Republicans have had no answers on abortion ever since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. In election after election, including several this week, Democrats have used the issue to their advantage.

On Wednesday night, Haley, the only woman onstage, tried to give her party a path forward for navigating the delicate political issue.

Haley’s approach was decidedly softer and more personal than what the men onstage offered.

“I don’t judge anyone for being pro-choice, and I don’t want them to judge me for being pro-life,” she said, suggesting that she respected the decisions of states to protect abortion rights even if she didn’t agree with them.

And she made clear that the next Republican president would not be in position to institute a national ban on abortion without 60 votes in the Senate, which isn’t anywhere close to the horizon. Instead, she suggested Republicans in Washington work for what could be achievable: a ban on late-term abortions, policies that encourage adoption and increased accessibility of contraception.

“Let’s focus on how to save as many babies as we can and support as many moms as we can and stop the judgment. We don’t need to divide America over this issue anymore,” Haley said, drawing applause from the crowd.

Meanwhile, the men onstage offered more of the same message that failed to resonate with voters across Virginia, Ohio and Pennsylvania earlier in the week.

DeSantis attacked Democrats for supporting abortions without any time restrictions. Echoing the criticism, Scott said it was “unethical and immoral” to allow abortions up to the day of birth.

The race for second

Haley’s message might be popular among some suburban women, a group the GOP has struggled with during recent elections, but it’s decidedly out of step with many activists that make up the Republican base. Still, her answer Wednesday night is a reminder why some Democratic officials fear her as a possible Biden opponent more than any of the other candidates.

After two more hours of likely also-rans arguing over mostly small differences, it seems clear that the Republican presidential contest is mainly a race to finish a distant second.

No one is even close to Trump and no one is trying to catch him. Instead, the candidates seem to be fighting over who can be the best alternative to him in the event the unthinkable happens to sideline the four-times-indicted, constitutionally challenged, 77-year-old front-runner.

Even Christie, whose entire campaign was predicated on him being the only Republican brave enough to attack the former president, stayed quiet on Trump unless asked about him by the moderators.

By now it’s clear that no one sees a path to actual victory in the primary. Instead, everyone is acting like their best bet is that the alternative universe of the debates, where Trump is not even on the stage, somehow becomes reality for Republican voters.

That’s the only way these debates likely matter anymore. But if there’s one thing we’ve learned in the Trump era, it’s that you can never tell what will happen next.

At center stage were Ron DeSantis and Nikki Haley, who has appeared competitive with DeSantis’ second place position in some national polls. Haley, the former South Carolina governor and United Nations ambassador, declared she would end trade relations with China “until they stop murdering Americans from fentanyl — something Ron has yet to say that he’s going to do.”

In return, the Florida governor said Haley “welcomed” Chinese investment to her state, referencing land and economic development deals. Haley then accused DeSantis of scrubbing official websites to hide that Florida had pitched itself as welcoming to Chinese businesses.

The five people onstage faced new urgency to cut into Trump’s margins with the leadoff Iowa caucuses just two months away. Many of the candidates have gone after each other, hoping to break out as a viable alternative to the former president. They have been emphasizing their differences on foreign policy but also ripping Trump for his criticisms of the Israeli prime minister in the wake of Hamas’ attack and for his claims that a group attacking Israel was “very smart.”

Trump was the subject of the debate’s first question, when moderators asked each candidate to explain why they were the right person to beat him.

Said DeSantis, “He owes it to you to be on this stage and explain why he should get another chance.”

Haley, who is pulling some voter and donor interest from DeSantis, said Trump “used to be right” on supporting Ukraine but “now he’s getting weak in the knees.”

In addition to DeSantis and Haley, also appearing onstage Wednesday were South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and biotech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy.

They all said they were staunchly behind Israel as it mounts an offensive in Gaza following Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack that killed more than 1,400 people. The candidates did not discuss humanitarian aid for civilians in Gaza as the number of Palestinians killed in the war passed 10,500, including more than 4,300 children, according to the Hamas-run Health Ministry in Gaza.

Several also said they would pressure college campuses to crack down on antisemitism.

The rivalry between DeSantis and Haley has ramped up in recent weeks, with Haley rising in a prominent Iowa poll and gaining new interest from donors and voters. Both campaigns and allied super PACs have hit each other over the war in Israel and the U.S. relationship with China as Republicans take an increasingly antagonistic view of Beijing.

Both candidates have also diverged on abortion rights, a political challenge for Republicans since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Supporters of abortion rights claimed new momentum Tuesday after elections in several states went in their favor.

The DeSantis and Haley campaigns for months have attacked each other on China, long a topic of scorn in GOP primaries. Their allied super PACs have run ads in early primary states alleging the other side is soft on Beijing.

Ramaswamy tried to push his way into the center of the debate. Having long styled himself as someone willing to challenge his rivals, he repeatedly went after other candidates, notably Haley.

She seemed to ignore his first barbs, but snapped back during a discussion about the social media app TikTok, which many Republicans want banned in the U.S. due to its parent company’s ties to China.

Ramaswamy accused Haley’s daughter of having had her own TikTok account until recently. Responded Haley, “Leave my daughter out of your voice!” She then told him, “You’re just scum.”

Trump has retained huge leads despite his efforts to try to overturn his 2020 election loss, his embrace of those jailed for storming the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021 and his facing four criminal indictments and a civil fraud case against his businesses for which he testified in New York this week.

His campaign has worked to overpower DeSantis in their shared home state and publicly said it wants to score blowout wins in early primary states to seal the nomination.

DeSantis has used his official role as governor to show support for Israel, authorizing the state to fly hundreds of Americans evacuated from Israel to the U.S., ordered state universities to disband chapters of a pro-Palestinian group, and arranged to help send weapons, ammunition and other supplies to Israel.

Haley, also the former governor of South Carolina, has leaned into her experience as Trump’s U.N. ambassador arguing in support of the Israeli government.

The race’s overwhelming front-runner, meanwhile, was in a stadium about 10 miles away from the debate in the heavily Latino city of Hialeah. He has refused to participate due to his large lead in national and early state polls.

Trump’s campaign has suggested the Republican National Committee should stop having debates and instead focus on supporting his campaign.

Top advisers Susie Wiles and Chris LaCivita raised Trump’s debunked claims of election fraud and said that if the party does not cancel debates, it is “an admission to the grassroots that their concerns about voter integrity are not taken seriously and national Republicans are more concerned about helping Joe Biden than ensuring a safe and secure election.”

The RNC did not respond to a message seeking comment.

Donald Trump remains the overwhelming front-runner in the race. He has decided to skip this debate, as he has the first two, citing his big polling advantage. Almost exactly one year after he launched his 2024 campaign, a clear Trump alternative has yet to emerge.

For live updates and analysis of the debate, follow the live blog here on NBCNews.com

When is the third Republican presidential primary debate?

The third Republican presidential primary debate will take place at 5 p.m. PT on Wednesday, Nov. 8.

Where is the third Republican presidential primary debate?

The debate will be held in Miami at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts of Miami-Dade County.

Moderators for third Republican presidential primary debate

“NBC Nightly News” host Lester Holt and “Meet the Press” moderator Kristen Welker are the debate moderators. They will also be joined by Salem Radio Network host Hugh Hewitt.

Republican presidential primary debate TV channel

Viewers can watch the third Republican presidential primary debate on NBC.

How to stream Republican presidential primary debate

Viewers can also stream the debate for free on NBC News NOW, which is available on NBCNews.com, Peacock and all major streaming platforms.

The debate will also stream with real-time audio translations on NoticiasTelemundo.com, Noticias Telemundo’s X, Facebook and YouTube accounts and the Noticias Telemundo mobile app.

NBC News NOW anchors Tom Llamas and Hallie Jackson will have pre-debate coverage starting at 4 p.m. PT and post-debate coverage starting at 7 p.m.

Donald Trump remains the overwhelming front-runner in the race. He has decided to skip this debate, as he has the first two, citing his big polling advantage. Almost exactly one year after he launched his 2024 campaign, a clear Trump alternative has yet to emerge.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who was expected to fill that role earlier in the year, is stuck in a fierce fight for second place. He’s betting that a strong debate performance — two days after winning the endorsement of Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds — will help convince a skeptical GOP that he has fully recovered from his early stumbles.

Nikki Haley, the former United Nations ambassador and the only woman in the field, is gaining attention following two strong debates of her own. Another big debate performance could give her a boost over DeSantis.

decision 2024 Nov 7, 2023

How to watch the third Republican presidential primary debate on NBC News

decision 2024 Nov 6, 2023

5 Republicans qualify for the third presidential debate

Don’t discount 38-year-old conservative entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, an eager debater who has played a central role in the first two meetings. And look to Chris Christie, the former New Jersey governor, and South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott to try to stand out in what could be their final chances on the debate stage.

Here’s what we’re watching for Wednesday night:

How does Israel fit into the GOP’s ‘America First’ message?

The war between Israel and Hamas had not yet erupted the last time that Republicans met on the debate stage. Even then, foreign policy was a flashpoint as foreign policy hawks like Haley insisted on strong support for Ukraine while DeSantis and Ramaswamy, who lean toward Trump’s America First populism, called for less foreign intervention.

The politics of Israel are different.

Already, DeSantis seems to be aligning himself with Haley and the others who have called for unconditional support for Israel. Ramaswamy might be the only participant who argues for limited U.S. support for Israel, in line with his argument against aid to Ukraine. Polling suggests such a position could be somewhat popular with the Republican base, even if it’s out of step with evangelicals and some in the GOP’s donor class.

Can Haley take a big step forward?

It’s easy to see the fight over Israel emerging as a dominant issue — especially with the Republican Jewish Coalition serving as an event co-sponsor.

Haley is gaining attention in Iowa and New Hampshire, but she has yet to break out as the clear alternative to Trump.

The 51-year-old former South Carolina governor has an opportunity to take a big step forward Wednesday night. Her rivals won’t make it easy, of course.

Given the heightened focus on her candidacy, Haley enters the night with a target on her back in much the same way DeSantis did in the first debate and Ramaswamy did in the second. She hopes to do what her rivals could not when their moments came and went.

Current events would seem to play to her strength.

As a former ambassador to the United Nations, Haley has more foreign policy experience than anyone else on stage. That showed in past debates, especially in clashes against Ramaswamy when the discussion turned to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. But Haley’s preference for a muscular foreign policy could play even better on Israel.

Still, it’s unclear if one issue alone will be enough to convince donors and voters alike that they should coalesce behind her as the clear alternative to Trump. DeSantis, among others, are making much the same pitch.

Is DeSantis entering ‘small hands’ territory?

The longer it takes for Republicans to unite behind a single Trump alternative, the tighter Trump’s grip on the nomination gets.

It’s hard to forget (as much as we’d like to) Marco Rubio’s desperate attempt to take down Trump by insulting his manhood during a 2016 presidential primary debate.

DeSantis may be laying the groundwork to do something similar.

It didn’t end well for Rubio, of course. The Florida senator was forced to suspend his presidential campaign less than two weeks after suggesting Trump had small hands on the debate stage.

Despite Rubio’s downfall, DeSantis in recent days has repeatedly questioned whether Trump has “the balls” to show up to the debate. The Florida governor’s campaign is even selling a set of golf balls as part of the messaging campaign.

It’s all likely little more than a fundraising scheme. But the rhetoric highlights a fundamental dilemma confronting every Trump rival: If multiple felony indictments, an attack on democracy and countless documented lies on issues big and small don’t undermine Trump’s candidacy, what will?

Trump’s competitors have offered half-hearted attacks against him on policy in the first two debates. Most of them also raised their hands to say they’d support him even if he was a convicted criminal. Whatever they’re doing doesn’t seem to be working.

We’ll see if DeSantis tries something different.

Will they help — or hurt — the GOP’s Hispanic outreach?

The Miami location of Wednesday’s debate virtually ensures that the candidates will be pushed on the Republican Party’s strained relationship with Latino voters.

Latino voters have overwhelmingly backed Democrats in recent decades, and they still do, despite anxiety that the growing voting bloc — especially young men — is drifting rightward. The debate participants now have a primetime opportunity to help — or hurt — the GOP’s appeal with Latinos.

All of the Republican candidates are eager to talk about the need to crack down on illegal immigration, especially along the U.S.-Mexico border. They have been far less willing to outline clear plans for those 10-million plus immigrants in the country illegally, which include many children brought into the country by their parents. Some, especially DeSantis, have promoted policies designed to make life in the U.S. difficult for such immigrants.

DeSantis faced a strong backlash from Florida’s immigrant community earlier in the year after signing into law a measure that limits social services for immigrants lacking permanent legal status. Another provision required hospitals that accept Medicaid to include a citizenship question on intake forms, which critics have said is intended to dissuade immigrants living in the U.S. illegally from seeking medical care.

Look for DeSantis and others to be pressed to defend such policies. As the Republican National Committee has acknowledged, tone matters when trying to connect with voters of color.

Last chance for Scott and others?

For some, this could be the final debate appearance.

Scott, in particular, may struggle to meet the Republican National Committee’s fundraising and polling thresholds for the Dec. 6 debate in Alabama, which will require participants to hit 6% in two national polls or a combination of national and early primary state polls. Christie could fail to make the cut as well, while Ramaswamy is teetering at the 6% mark in some polls.

That possibility will create real urgency for the lower-tier candidates to stand out.

Christie and Ramaswamy have demonstrated a willingness to make a splash when given the opportunity. Scott has been less comfortable with direct confrontation, preferring to stay true to his “happy warrior” profile.

But the prospect of elimination makes any of them a dangerous wild card for the other participants.

The third Republican presidential primary debate is being held in Miami on Nov. 8 with coverage across NBC News’ TV, streaming and digital platforms.

Here is how you can tune into the third Republican presidential primary debate:

decision 2024 Nov 6, 2023

5 Republicans qualify for the third presidential debate

Oct 26, 2023

Lester Holt, Kristen Welker and Hugh Hewitt to moderate third GOP presidential debate Nov. 8 on NBC

When is the third Republican presidential primary debate?

Where is the third Republican presidential primary debate?

The debate will be held in Miami at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts of Miami-Dade County.

Moderators for third Republican presidential primary debate

“NBC Nightly News” host Lester Holt and “Meet the Press” moderator Kristen Welker are the debate moderators. They will also be joined by Salem Radio Network host Hugh Hewitt.

Republican presidential primary debate TV channel

Viewers can watch the third Republican presidential primary debate on NBC.

How to stream Republican presidential primary debate

Viewers can also stream the debate for free on NBC News NOW, which is available on NBCNews.com, Peacock and all major streaming platforms.

The debate will also stream with real-time audio translations on NoticiasTelemundo.com, Noticias Telemundo’s X, Facebook and YouTube accounts and the Noticias Telemundo mobile app.

Which candidates are participating in the third Republican presidential primary debate?

These five candidates will be on the stage Wednesday night after meeting the Republican National Committee’s criteria:

• Chris Christie
• Ron DeSantis
• Nikki Haley
• Vivek Ramaswamy
• Tim Scott

Former President Donald Trump will skip the debate, North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum fell short of the RNC’s requirements after making the first two Republican debates and Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson will miss his second straight debate after participating in the first one.

Virginia’s closely watched legislative campaign cycle closes out Tuesday, as voters decide whether to empower Republicans with full state government control or let Democrats keep serving as a bulwark against Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s agenda.

The outcome in Virginia — among just four states with legislative elections this year — will be closely scrutinized nationwide for hints of what may come in the 2024 presidential cycle. All 100 seats in the Virginia House of Delegates and 40 seats in the Virginia Senate are up for election this November.

The contests are “the most important elections in America because these issues that are so important to Virginians are also the ones that are going to be so important to Americans next year,” Youngkin said Sunday on ABC’s “This Week.”

• Republicans, with a narrow 52-48 majority in the House of Delegates, hope to gain full control of the state legislature and clear a path for the governor to enact his proposals on abortion, education, taxes and other key policy priorities.
• Democrats, currently holding a slim 22-17 majority in the state Senate, seek to maintain control of one chamber and possibly flip the other to serve as a check against Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s agenda.

As a steady stream of voters arrived at a polling place in Ashburn on Tuesday morning, the governor touted Virginia’s job growth and how the GOP swept statewide constitutional offices in 2021.

“This is what I was asked to do, this is what I ran on, this is what we’ve delivered. And I think voters are going to come around today and extend our license to lead,” Youngkin said. “We’ve had a really good two years, but I think we can have a fantastic next two years.”

Youngkin had arrived at Newton-Lee Elementary School with Republican Juan Pablo Segura, who is running against Democrat Russet Perry in the District 31 race. It’s become the most expensive race in the state this cycle, according to Open Secrets, which tracks campaign finance.

“Get out and vote if you haven’t voted already. This race is the most competitive race in the entire state. Every vote matters. Every vote counts. Please get out and vote. Protect your right to choose,” Perry told News4 Tuesday morning.

Loudoun County residents who came out early to Newton-Lee Elementary to vote cited a range of issues as their main reasons for voting.

“I’m a special education teacher. Things are in dire straights right now. We have open positions still, I feel that’s ongoing, and they’re the most – the neediest population and I feel it’s not the most focused on,” one woman told News4.

“Would love to see some new folks get an opportunity and, hopefully, have a better experience moving forward,” another voter said.

“I come for the local issues, I truly do. People that I think will do the best for the schools and the county and the government and the country,” a third voter said.

Youngkin said the top concerns he hears from voters are inflation and the cost of living; education; public safety; the opioid crisis and abortion. At the polling place, he reiterated his pledge to try again for an abortion ban after 15 weeks with exceptions for rape, incest and situations where the mother’s life is at risk.

Leading up to Election Day, the governor headlined his party’s campaign events. He appeared with candidates in competitive districts statewide as part of a bus tour promoting an early voting initiative aimed at reversing years of GOP mistrust in the policy.

Democrats brought in surrogates including Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, gun control activist David Hogg — a Florida high school mass shooting survivor — and former U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who joined Senate President Pro Tempore Louise Lucas for a Northern Virginia appearance.

President Joe Biden, who won Virginia in 2020 by 10 percentage points and campaigned against Youngkin here in 2021, did not appear in person but signed off on a fundraising email and endorsements.

Republicans are hoping their candidates benefit from the Democratic president’s persistently poor approval ratings, which are lower than Youngkin’s.

• Follow along with national results with NBC News’ Election Day live updates here.

Abortion rights hotly contested

While all 140 General Assembly seats are on the ballot in a costly and competitive election year, the balance of power, currently divided, will likely be decided in about a dozen districts in Hampton Roads, suburban Richmond and Northern Virginia.

Candidates have been making their case to voters on the economy, the environment, public safety and schools, but no issue has been more hotly contested than abortion in the last state in the South without new restrictions since the end of Roe v. Wade.

Roughly 800,000 Virginians voted early. Some early voters said abortion rights topped their concerns.

James Burkhardt, 37, a software engineer from Henrico County outside Richmond, waited in a long line Friday to cast his ballot. He supported two Democrats who emphasized protecting abortion access — Del. Rodney Willett, who is seeking reelection to the House against Republican Riley Shaia, and Del. Schuyler VanValkenburg, who is vying for a state Senate seat.

VanValkenburg’s opponent, Republican Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant, is an OB-GYN who said she supports access to abortion through 15 weeks and afterward only in cases of rape, incest, severe fetal anomalies, and to save the mother’s life.

Burkhardt said he could not understand Dunnavant’s support for putting new limits on abortion access, given her career.

“It blows my mind that she could vote against women’s right to choose at any stage of their pregnancy what’s right for them,” he said.

Other voters said Youngkin had landed on a reasonable position.

Retiree Scott McKenzie, 78, voted early for Republicans in Virginia Beach. He said he’s comfortable with a 15-week ban and supports some of the same exceptions as Youngkin.

“On the one hand, I support right for life. But on the other hand, there’s times when a young lady maybe did not have a choice,” he said.

What are the major races in the 2023 Virginia election?

In Virginia’s Washington exurbs, a tight Senate race between Democratic Marine veteran Joel Griffin and GOP Del. Tara Durant also features Monica Gary, a wild-card independent candidate with a history of electoral success.

In suburban Richmond, Democrat Susanna Gibson — who proceeded with her campaign after news broke that she had performed sex acts with her husband in live videos posted on a pornographic website — aims to prevail over Republican David Owen even after some party support wilted away following the controversy.

Other competitive House races are playing out in Hampton Roads, the exurban D.C. Interstate 95 corridor and one district south of Richmond.

Republicans generally see a tougher path to flipping the Senate than holding the House under the new maps all legislative candidates are running under for the first time this year. During this year’s session, Republicans held a slim House majority, while Democrats narrowly controlled the Senate.

Also on the ballot are local school board and prosecutor races around the state, and a referendum in Richmond on whether to authorize a proposed casino.

Voters chose the candidates during the primary back in June, although some races on the ballot this November are uncontested.

If the issues being discussed this year are getting you invested in local elections you normally skip on your ballot, check out our guide to getting up-to-speed fast.

Check below for positions outside the state House and Senate up for election this fall, by county and city.

City of Alexandria: No local elections in 2023; only members of the Virginia General Assembly.

City of Fairfax: Court clerk, commonwealth’s attorney and sheriff.

City of Falls Church: Court clerk, commonwealth’s attorney, a school board seat and a city council seat.

Arlington County: Court clerk, commonwealth’s attorney, sheriff, commissioner of revenue, treasurer, a county board seat and a school board seat.

Fairfax County: Court clerk, commonwealth’s attorney, sheriff, county supervisor positions and school board seats. Go here to learn about one school board candidate who was requalified for the ballot after a typo caused issues.

Loudoun County: Court clerk, commonwealth’s attorney, sheriff, commissioner of revenue, treasurer, county supervisor positions, school board members and the soil and water conservation director. There are also ballot measures related to school district construction projects, parks and recreation projects, and transportation projects.

Prince William County: Court clerk, commonwealth’s attorney, sheriff, county supervisor positions, school board seats and the soil and water conservation director. That’s in addition to at least one noteworthy state Senate race.

How to vote on Election Day in Virginia

Election day in 2023 is Tuesday, Nov. 7.

Here’s the basic information voters need to know:

• Polls open at 6 a.m. and close at 7 p.m. As long as you are in line to vote by 7 p.m. on Election Day, you’ll be able to vote.
• Bring an acceptable form of ID to speed up the process; however, there are options if you don’t have an ID.
• If you didn’t register before the Oct. 16 deadline – or need to update information such as your address – you can still vote! Voters who register on Election Day can cast a provisional ballot.

More details on registrations and voter ID are below.

If you applied for an absentee ballot by mail, fax or online before the Oct. 27 deadline, and filled it out but still haven’t mailed that official envelope back, you also have options on Election Day.

The first day of early, in-person voting began on Sept. 22 and ended on Saturday, Nov. 4, according to the Virginia Department of Elections.

Is my voter registration valid? What if I didn’t register to vote?

All registered voters in Virginia are eligible to vote in Tuesday’s general election.

You can check your voter registration status here.

The deadline to register for a regular ballot was Oct. 16.

If you didn’t register before the deadline, same-day voter registration is available at your polling place.

Anyone who registered after the deadline will be given a provisional ballot, and eligibility will be determined by elections officials after Election Day. Provisional ballots are evaluated when all other votes are counted. If a voter is indeed eligible to vote, their provisional ballot is included in the tally.

If you moved but didn’t change your address before the voter registration deadline, you can make changes at your polling place. You may be able to “cast a non-provisional ballot, rather than the provisional ballot used for same day registration,” Virginia’s elections website says. Here’s more information.

Where do I vote in Virginia? Can I see a sample ballot?

It’s a good idea to double-check which candidates are running in your district and where your voting location is – Virginia redrew its election districts after the 2020 census.

Once you’re registered to vote, the easiest way to find your polling place — and see what candidates are on the ballot for your district — is to visit this Virginia Department of Elections website.

You can type in your Virginia address to see your Election Day voting site.

The same search results include a tab with a preview of candidates on the ballot in your district. Click “Ballot Info” to see the names of candidates running for each position up for election.

Do I need an ID to vote in Virginia?

Voters must show an ID at the polls, sign an ID Confirmation Statement or cast a provisional ballot.

Acceptable forms of ID include:

• A Virginia driver’s license or a DMV-issued ID card (either current or expired)
• A valid work or student ID that has a photo
• A passport

Here’s the full list of acceptable IDs in English. The list is also available in Español, 한국인 and Tiếng Việt.

If you don’t have a valid ID or forget to bring it, you have two options. Here’s what the Virginia Department of Elections says:

• If you get to your polling place without acceptable ID, you can sign an ID statement affirming your identity, you will be able to vote a regular ballot.
• If you do not sign an ID statement to affirm your identity you may vote a provisional ballot. You will be provided instructions to ensure your vote will count.

You can learn more about provisional ballots here.

I still have my absentee ballot. How do I submit it?

Did you forget to mail your ballot ahead of time? If you’re worried about your absentee ballot arriving in time by the mail, you can drop it off in person on Election Day.

You can drop off your ballot at a location in your locality before the polls close at 7 p.m. on Election Day, and your vote will be counted.

Check your absentee ballot for exact details on the drop-off location. Your local general registrar’s office will be among the options. Many areas, including Arlington, Fairfax County and Loudoun County, let you drop your absentee ballot off at any polling place within the locality between 6 a.m. and 7 p.m. on Election Day.

According to the Virginia Department of Elections, your local general registrar needs your ballot by no later than 12 p.m. on the third day after Election Day. It doesn’t matter if your ballot is postmarked before the deadline if it still arrives late.

If you request an absentee ballot and then decide to vote in-person instead, you’ll need to turn in your blank absentee ballot at the polling place. If you don’t, you’ll need to fill out a provisional ballot instead.

Curbside voting and accessible voting

“If you are 65 or older, or have a disability, you may vote on Election Day without leaving your vehicle,” the Virginia Department of Elections says.

To use curbside voting, park in the designated parking spot at your polling place. You are allowed to bring someone to help you or go inside and tell officials you’re ready to vote curbside.

Here’s more information on accessible voting.

What if I see a problem at the polls?

The News4 I-Team will be monitoring any issues that might pop up at the polls in Virginia. If you see something they should be checking out, contact the team at 202-885-4444 or tips@news4iteam.com.

If you have a complaint related to your voting experience, you can file an informal or formal complaint with the Virginia Department of Elections. Here’s more information.

Follow our Decision 2023 coverage

Five hopefuls will participate in Wednesday night’s debate at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts of Miami-Dade County, according to the Republican National Committee.

To have qualified for the third debate, candidates needed at least 4% support in two national polls or 4% in one national poll as well as two polls from four of the early-voting states — Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina. All the polls used for qualification must have been approved by the RNC.

The White House hopefuls also needed at least 70,000 unique donors, with at least 200 of those coming from 20 states or territories. Additionally, they had to sign an RNC pledge promising to support the party’s eventual nominee.

The escalating qualification markers have become increasingly difficult for candidates to satisfy. One candidate, former Vice President Mike Pence, suspended his campaign last month, avoiding the ignominy of failing to qualify.

NBC News is hosting the debate, which will air from 8 p.m. to 10 p.m. ET Wednesday. The RNC also selected Salem Radio Network and the Republican Jewish Coalition as partners for the debate.

A look at where the candidates stand:

WHO’S IN

RON DESANTIS

Early on, the Florida governor was seen as the top rival for Donald Trump, finishing a distant second to the current GOP front-runner in both early-voting state and national polls but raising an impressive amount of money.

DeSantis has recently shifted some of his Florida-based staff to Iowa, pinning his chances of emerging as an alternative to Trump alternative squarely on the leadoff state. This week he picked up the sought-after endorsement of Gov. Kim Reynolds.

TIM SCOTT

The senator from South Carolina has been hoping that the debates could give his campaign a needed boost after his struggles to catch fire compared to his rivals. But there had even been some question of whether he would make the Miami stage, given its elevated polling requirements.

In a pre-debate memo shared with The Associated Press on Monday, Scott’s campaign manager sought to contrast his candidate with DeSantis and Haley, saying Scott planned to ask how either could “present a contrast with Donald Trump when he made each of their political careers.”

NIKKI HALEY

The only Republican woman onstage — and in the field — Haley has benefited from a bounce in attention following each of the previous debates, as well as the campaign’s shift toward foreign policy after Hamas’ surprise Oct. 7 attack on Israel.

As she and DeSantis have escalated their barbs over issues including the Israel-Hamas war and China’s influence, Wednesday night’s debate offers a chance for them to duke it out in person.

VIVEK RAMASWAMY

The political newcomer and youngest GOP hopeful has been a debate-stage target of attacks on his lack of experience — jabs that have previously helped boost both Ramaswamy’s campaign coffers and his name ID in the broad Republican field.

After the second debate in September, Ramaswamy asked the RNC to change its rules for the third, requesting that participation be limited to four candidates, with a unique donor requirement of 100,000. The party kept its rules as is.

CHRIS CHRISTIE

As many of his GOP rivals have gone all in on Iowa ahead of the state’s leadoff caucuses, the former New Jersey governor often has New Hampshire all to himself.

Christie has charted a path there as the race’s most vocal critic of Trump, casting himself as the only Republican willing to directly take him on, and arguing that Trump will lose to President Joe Biden next November if he’s the party’s nominee.

Without Trump at the debates, Christie has been left without his intended target but has brought him up nonetheless. In September, Christie looked directly into the camera and declared that if Trump keeps skipping debates, he would deserve a new nickname: “Donald Duck.”

WHO DECIDED NOT TO PARTICIPATE (AGAIN)

DONALD TRUMP

The current GOP front-runner is skipping his third straight debate, this time opting to hold a competing event of his own a half-hour away in Hialeah, Florida.

Trump says he is forgoing the debates because he does not want to elevate his lower-polling opponents by being on stage with them.

WHO QUALIFIED FOR PREVIOUS DEBATES BUT NOT THIS ONE

DOUG BURGUM

Burgum, a former software entrepreneur now in his second term as North Dakota’s governor, will miss his first debate of the cycle after coming up short on the polling requirements.

ASA HUTCHINSON

The former two-term Arkansas governor participated in the first debate but failed to qualify for the second. He said in a statement after missing out on the second debate that his goal was to increase his polling numbers to 4% in an early state before Thanksgiving.

“If that goal is met, then I remain competitive and in contention for either Caucus Day or Primary Day,” he wrote back in September.

Vendor Peter Crotty also had Ron DeSantis T-shirts. But he reduced those items from their original $25 down to $5, an 80% discount on the Florida governor’s name. The excess inventory needed to go, Crotty said.

It was just one sign of DeSantis’ challenges in the 2024 Republican primary fight. Barely two months from the first nominating ballots being cast, Trump is flaunting his advantages by trying to embarrass the governor in the two rivals’ shared home state, where party activists on Saturday cheered any mention of the former president and booed at any criticisms of the GOP 2024 front-runner.

“We’re going to win the Florida primary for the third straight time, and we’re going to win the state by a landslide next November,” Trump told a boisterous crowd Saturday evening, before calling to the stage several Florida lawmakers who switched their endorsements from DeSantis ahead of Saturday’s Florida Freedom Summit.

Trump and his newest backers stood beneath graphics that read: “Florida is Trump Country.”

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It was a show of strength for Trump in a state where DeSantis has controlled state politics since garnering Trump’s endorsement in 2018 on his way to winning the first of two gubernatorial elections. Now, two months before the first balloting in the 2024 presidential nomination process, the two men have an increasingly personal and crude rivalry, and the second-term governor faces the reality that Trump has dominated national Republican politics since he launched his first White House bid in 2015, when DeSantis was a little-known Florida congressman.

Trump was more than a half-hour into a stemwinding speech Saturday before he mentioned DeSantis, and he did so by ticking through polling results suggesting his wide national lead among Republican voters.

Trump later said, in a mocking tone, that DeSantis begged for his backing in 2018: “I endorsed him and he became a rocket ship in 24 hours. … Now he’s like a wounded falling bird from the sky.”

DeSantis sidestepped the former president altogether while on stage Saturday afternoon, instead sticking with his argument that his results in Tallahassee prove his conservative mettle.

“Florida has shown the way forward for the Republican Party,” DeSantis told the crowd, drawing applause for a litany of conservative policy victories in the state. “No state has done more to beat the left at the institutional level than we have in the state of Florida.”

DeSantis, Trump and other candidates signed qualifying paperwork Saturday for Florida’s March 2024 primary. The primary could prove critical, but only if the governor or other candidates can diminish Trump’s strength in the early nominating states that come before.

“Weakening DeSantis’ standing in Florida is a clear objective of the Trump campaign,” said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist who worked on the 2016 presidential campaign of Florida Sen. Marco Rubio. “His entire message is built on the idea that he is a terrific governor. When Republican officials in Florida are choosing Trump over DeSantis, it really weakens the core of DeSantis’ pitch.”

Trump’s campaign first announced the new slate of Florida endorsements hours before DeSantis took the stage. Trump already had secured support from a majority of Florida’s U.S. House delegation. The latest flips, first reported by The Messenger, came two days after U.S. Sen. Rick Scott, DeSantis’ predecessor as governor, announced his support for Trump, and when Scott reaffirmed his choice Saturday, Florida Republicans roared.

“You might have seen that I endorsed President Trump,” Scott said with a smile, pausing for the sustained ovation. “I don’t think there’s any question in my mind. He is the one person running that can really bring strength back to our country.”

Scott never mentioned DeSantis.

Another 2024 candidate, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, drew boos when he said Trump is wrong for the country and his party. He alluded to Trump’s multiple pending indictments. The former president also is set to testify Monday in New York as part of a civil fraud trial in which Trump is accused of deceiving banks and insurers by exaggerating his wealth on his annual financial statements.

“Go back to New Jersey!” some activists yelled at Christie. Unbowed, he chided his fellow Republicans: “Your anger against the truth is reprehensible.”

Off stage, DeSantis downplayed Trump’s latest show of Florida support.

“This happens in these things,” he told reporters, flanked by top legislative leaders, Florida Lt. Gov. Jeanette Nuñez and several sheriffs. “We’ve had flips the other way in other states. It’s a dynamic thing. Politicians do what they’re going to do.”

This coming week, DeSantis will join several candidates in Miami for the third Republican debate. Trump will skip, again, and hold a competing event in the nearby suburb of Hialeah.

DeSantis was initially expected to be Trump’s top rival after winning reelection as governor by a huge margin last November. But DeSantis has struggled since he launched his campaign in May and is a distant second now. A Des Moines Register poll published Monday finds him tied in Iowa with Nikki Haley, the former South Carolina governor who served as U.N. ambassador under Trump. Both stood at 16%, 27 percentage points behind the former president.

Trump has for months ripped DeSantis as disloyal for running against him and did so again Saturday. The Trump campaign also has mocked DeSantis’ laugh and interactions with voters. DeSantis has pointed to Trump’s gaffes and suggested that Trump no longer has the same energy he once did.

Trump’s allies have boosted headlines suggesting DeSantis wears lifts in his boots. DeSantis told Newsmax that if “Donald Trump can summon the balls to show up to the debate, I’ll wear a boot on my head.”

DeSantis’ super political action committee then began selling a set of golf balls with the inscription, “Ron DeSantis has a pair.” Responded Trump spokesperson Steven Cheung: “Ron DeSantis is so broke he needs to sell his balls to strangers in order (to) make rent and keep the lights on.”

The governor told reporters Saturday that he “just responded to their nonsense.” He dismissed “trivialities” of the campaign as less important than the issues at stake. “We’ve got a job to do,” he said. “We have a country that we have to fight for.”

The campaign references to male anatomy are reminiscent of another Floridian’s presidential bid against Trump. Rubio in 2016 joked about Trump’s “small hands” in response to Trump’s personal attacks. Rubio dropped out of the race after losing Florida’s primary.

State party members gave Trump a symbolic win in September, when they voted against requiring Florida primary candidates to pledge to support the eventual nominee in order to run next March. Trump has refused to take a similar pledge required for candidates to participate in national GOP debates.

___

Barrow reported from Atlanta. Associated Press writer Jill Colvin in New York contributed to this report.

The debate, to be held at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts of Miami-Dade County, will air from 8 p.m. to 10 p.m. ET on the television, streaming and digital platforms of NBC News, including streaming on NBCNews.com. The moderators and the format will be announced later.

Seven candidates were onstage at the second debate in California last month. It is not clear how many will qualify again, because the Republican National Committee has raised the polling and donor thresholds for the third contest.

To qualify, candidates must have campaign contributions from at least 70,000 unique donors. They must also register at least 4% in two national polls or in one national poll and one early-state poll that meets the RNC’s polling requirements. Qualifying candidates must also pledge to support the eventual GOP nominee.

Former President Donald Trump, who remains the front-runner in the polls, did not attend the first two debates. His campaign has called for all future debates to be canceled so the RNC can “refocus its manpower and money” on defeating Democrats in 2024.

Read the full story on NBCNews.com.

Sunday’s announcement comes after the Biden campaign and the party reported raising $72-plus million in the 10 weeks between his official campaign announcement on April 25 and the end of the second quarter on June 30.

Both totals include donations to Biden’s campaign and to a network of joint fundraising arrangements with the national and state parties. The campaign said Democrats had $91 million in cash on hand through the end of last month, the highest-ever total by a Democrat at this point in an election cycle.

“This quarter’s fundraising haul and historic cash on hand speak to the very real enthusiasm and support,” Julie Chavez Rodriguez, manager of Biden’s reelection campaign, said in a statement. “These numbers are a testament to one of our core objectives early in this campaign: raise the resources needed to run an aggressive campaign that will win in November 2024.”

Biden’s total has not topped the tally of the last Democratic president, Barack Obama, who raised $85.6 million with affiliated Democratic entities during the April-to-June quarter in 2011 when he launched his campaign for a second term. Obama did announce his candidacy three weeks earlier that April than did Biden in 2023.

Obama, the party and related committees took in about $70 million in the third quarter of 2011, which nearly matches 2023 figures even without adjusting for inflation.

Trump’s 2024 campaign announced last week that it raised more than $45.5 million for the three months ending Sept, 30, without the benefit of the national GOP or party entities.

Trump has built a commanding early lead over his rivals in the 2024 Republican primary and has seen his fundraising remain strong despite four indictments that have left him facing 91 criminal charges that have strained his campaign finances.

During Trump’s reelection campaign in 2019, his campaign and related affiliates, as well as the Republican National Committee, raised $125 million in that year’s third quarter. But Biden’s campaign noted that it was trying to avoid raising the maximum allowed from its most enthusiastic donors, as Trump did in 2020 when he faced fundraising shortfalls in the final months of the campaign.

Biden has held just one campaign rally, with some of the nation’s largest unions at the Philadelphia convention center in June. In the meantime, his campaign has relied heavily on the DNC, having it cover many of the early costs of expanding a reelection effort while also bolstering state parties.

“We are building the infrastructure necessary to aggressively reach voters with our message,” DNC Chair Jaime Harrison said in a statement.

Biden’s campaign’s top priority until next year has been fundraising and keeping costs low. In September, however, it announced a 16-week, $25 million television and digital advertising blitz that focused on swing states and has promoted a variety of themes, including his administration’s efforts to defend abortion rights and lower drug prescription costs.

One spot even directly criticized Trump as both he and Biden planned separate trips to Michigan early in the United Auto Workers’ strike.

Sunday’s totals were announced by the Biden campaign, but it doesn’t expect to release details on how much it spent until later, in compliance with Federal Election Commission deadlines.

The campaign also said that its third-quarter totals included a large portion of the $25 million ad buy. The campaign expects donations to rise sharply beginning next summer as the election nears.

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Biden has avoided serious Democratic primary challengers, especially with Robert F. Kennedy Jr. recently leaving the race and announcing that he’d instead run for president as an independent. But Biden continues to grapple with questions about voter enthusiasm, given his low approval ratings and questions — even from many Democrats — about his age, given that he’d be 86 by the end of a second term, should he win one.

The Biden campaign said it doubled its individual contributions since launching to a total of more than 1.4 million, Also, 112,000 people have now committed to be sustaining donors, meaning they have promised to continue to contribute every month, the campaign said.

In all, more than 493,000 donors made 843,000 donations across all Biden and Democratic entities over the quarter, with 97% of donations coming in under $200. Donors also hailed from all 50 states, the campaign said.

Kennedy made the announcement during a campaign event in Philadelphia Monday afternoon.

Kennedy’s campaign teased the announcement in the days leading up to Monday’s announcement. In a recent video, Kennedy said there is corruption “in the leadership of both political parties” and said he wants to “rewrite the assumptions and change the habits of American politics.”

The video came shortly after Mediaite reported he planned to launch an independent bid.

A member of one of America’s most famous Democratic families, the 69-year-old Kennedy was running a long-shot Democratic primary bid but has better favorability ratings among Republicans. It’s unclear whether GOP support would translate to a general election when Kennedy would also be running against Trump, the early front-runner for the GOP presidential nomination. Allies of both Biden, a Democrat, and Trump have at times questioned whether Kennedy would be a spoiler against their candidate.

Biden’s allies so far have dismissed Kennedy’s primary campaign as unserious. Asked for comment on his potential independent run, a Democratic National Committee spokesman responded with an eye roll emoji.

Monday’s announcement comes less than a week after the progressive activist Cornel West abandoned his Green Party bid in favor of an independent White House run. Meanwhile, the centrist group No Labels is actively securing ballot access for a yet-to-be-named candidate.

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Kennedy has spent weeks accusing the DNC of “rigging” the party’s primary against him and threatening that he might need to consider alternatives.

In campaign emails and videos, he blasted the DNC’s decision not to host debates between Biden and other candidates and railed against the committee’s plan to give South Carolina rather than Iowa or New Hampshire the leadoff spot on the primary calendar this election cycle.

“If they jam me, I’m going to look at every option,” he said in September at a New Hampshire barbecue held by Republican former Sen. Scott Brown.

Far-right and anti-vaccine influencers close to Kennedy also have sent strong signals on social media suggesting he should or will leave the Democratic Party. Last month, Joseph Mercola, an influential anti-vaccine doctor who is allied with Kennedy, ran a poll on X, formerly known as Twitter, asking if Kennedy should quit the party.

While Kennedy has long identified as a Democrat and frequently invokes his late father, Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, and his uncle President John F. Kennedy on the campaign trail, he has built close relationships with far-right figures in recent years. He appeared on a channel run by the Sandy Hook conspiracy theorist Alex Jones and headlined a stop on the ReAwaken America Tour, the Christian nationalist road show put together by Trump’s former national security adviser Michael Flynn.

Polls show far more Republicans than Democrats have a favorable opinion of Kennedy. He also has gained support from some far-right conservatives for his fringe views, including his vocal distrust of COVID-19 vaccines, which studies have shown are safe and effective against severe disease and death.

Kennedy’s anti-vaccine organization, Children’s Health Defense, currently has a lawsuit pending against a number of news organizations, among them The Associated Press, accusing them of violating antitrust laws by taking action to identify misinformation, including about COVID-19 and COVID-19 vaccines. Kennedy took leave from the group when he announced his run for president but is listed as one of its attorneys in the lawsuit.

___

Associated Press writers Michelle Smith and Will Weissert contributed to this report.

___

The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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With less than four months until the Iowa caucuses officially jumpstart the GOP nomination process, the pressure is building on Trump’s rivals to show they can emerge as a genuine alternative.

Here are some early takeaways from the debate:

DESANTIS HITS TRUMP

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis had an aggressive start, using his first answer to criticize Trump for skipping the debate and for adding to the national debt while serving as president.

“Donald Trump is missing in action,” DeSantis said. “He should be here on this stage tonight. He owes it to you to defend his record.”

The Florida governor has been slow to attack Trump for most of the campaign. But as he’s struggled to make inroads against the former president, he’s started slowly sharpening his critiques of the man whose endorsement he once embraced.

With his position in the race at risk of stalling, DeSantis faced pressure to have a standout and aggressive performance Wednesday.

DeSantis seemed eager to jump in on a question after Trump was criticized by former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who has made hammering Trump a focus of his campaign. DeSantis began speaking at the same time as another candidate and when finally given the floor, he used his answer to hit President Joe Biden and Trump in the same swipe, accusing them of lacking leadership.

DeSantis found an opportunity later in the debate to hit Trump on abortion, an area where he’s recently stepped up his attacks from the right.

DeSantis said Trump was wrong to blame the Republican Party’s lackluster performance in the 2022 midterm elections on the overturning of national abortion rights.

“He should be here explaining his comments,” DeSantis said. “I want him to look into the eyes and tell people who’ve been fighting this fight for a long time.”

GOP’S SHIFT FROM REAGAN

Instead of facing his rivals on the debate stage, Trump was in Michigan working to win over blue-collar voters in the midst of an autoworkers’ strike.

The debate at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library highlighted the way the GOP has drifted from some of the former president’s core values. One of them was highlighted right away — immigration.

A clip of the 40th president calling for “amnesty” for people in the country illegally preceded a question about immigration policy. Christie, who once represented a Democratic state and backed a similar proposal a decade ago, distanced himself from that, saying it was effectively ancient history.

“We’re no longer in a position to do that anymore,” Christie said, calling for “enforcing the law.”

Nikki Haley, the daughter of Indian immigrants and a former South Carolina governor, went a step further, calling for an end to foreign aid to Latin America until the border is secured.

“Only when we fix the immigration system, only when we make the border secure should we ever put more money into this,” the former United Nations representative said.

The rightward shift on migration was percolating even before Trump’s presidential run began in 2015, but his victory the following year accelerated it. Even entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, also the son of Indian immigrants, jumped in to highlight his proposal to revoke U.S. citizenship for children born in the country to parents who are here illegally.

That’d require a constitutional amendment and has also been embraced by Trump, but it shows how far the modern GOP has drifted from Reagan.

A NEW TONE FROM RAMASWAMY?

Ramaswamy seemed to take pride in antagonizing his rivals during the first debate, declaring that “everyone on this stage is corrupt” except him because he was a political outsider, a biotech entrepreneur who wrote a book entitled “Woke, Inc.” and decided to run for president.

It got him attention, but also seemed to have gotten under the skins of not only his rivals, but GOP primary voters. Ramaswamy tried a kinder, gentler approach this time.

“These are good people on this stage,” he declared at the start of the debate. Later Ramaswamy repeatedly cited Reagan’s so-called “11th commandment” to never criticize another Republican.

He even tried a little humble pie. “I’m the new guy here so I know I have to earn your trust,” he told the crowd, saying he may seem “a bit of a know-it-all” but he’d be eager to listen to more experienced hands in the Oval Office.

He certainly didn’t defuse the tension onstage — Ramaswamy ended up at the bottom of a political dogpile again as candidates lined up to criticize him.

A MORE ASSERTIVE TIM SCOTT

After delivering a somewhat underwhelming performance during the first debate, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott sought to more forcefully assert himself on Wednesday.

The only Black person on stage, Scott jumped on a question to DeSantis about revisions to Florida’s school curriculum that required teachers to instruct middle-school students that enslaved people “developed skills which, in some instances, could be applied for their personal benefit.”

After DeSantis defended the standards, Scott responded that “there is not a redeeming quality in slavery.”

The senator then tried to criticize both DeSantis and Vice President Kamala Harris, who is Black and of South Asian descent. Scott then gave a long answer defending America’s evolution and raised his voice in a crescendo, declaring, “America is not a racist country,” which drew applause.

RUNNING TO WIN?

The seven candidates onstage kept talking about what they would do when they become president. But there was little evidence any of them was trying to win that office.

The participants spent the two hours largely agreeing with each other on substance, but bickering over baroque bits of policy or history. Unless prompted, they didn’t bring up the man who is absolutely dominating the field, Trump.

The only exception was Christie, whose entire campaign is predicated on slamming the man whose two prior candidacies he supported. But even most of Christie’s barbs were about Trump’s debate dodging rather than trying to persuade Republican voters to end their love affair with the ex-president.

Still, he went further than just about anyone else in arguing against Trump, closing the debate by saying, “This man has not only divided our party, he’s divided families all over this country.”

That was just about the only thing that made any single candidate stand out. Otherwise, they all sounded similar on most issues without staking out any distinct ground. It wasn’t until the end that DeSantis touted his Florida record of a conservative renaissance. Unlike in the initial debate, Haley didn’t highlight her background as an accountant, mom, governor and diplomat into one package. She instead got into sniping fests with Scott, a fellow South Carolinian.

Her most memorable line of the night was aimed at Ramaswamy, who is among a pack of candidates trailing Trump and generally falling behind DeSantis in national polls.

“Every time I hear you, I feel a little bit dumber for what you say,” Haley told the 38-year-old political novice.

THE CRINGE DEBATE

It was probably the sharpest line of the night, and it was aimed down.

There were some awkward and downright cringeworthy moments during the debate, from lines that were heavily rehearsed to some clunky retorts.

Christie, in an early broadside against Trump, looked directly into the camera and declared that if he keeps skipping debates, he would deserve a new nickname: “Donald Duck.”

SCATTERED LAUGHTER WAS SLOW TO FOLLOW

Christie made another uncomfortable barb later at someone no one expected to be mentioned Wednesday: first lady Jill Biden. The New Jersey governor, while trying to suggest that teachers unions have a strong influence in Biden’s White House, declared the president is “sleeping with a member of the teachers union.” The first lady is a community college teacher and member of the National Education Association.

Rather than staying away from the uncomfortable subject of private marital relations, former Vice President Mike Pence ran toward the subject when he got his first opportunity after several other candidates gave other answers around education. He referred to his own wife’s work as a teacher.

“I gotta admit, I’ve been sleeping with a teacher for 38 years,” Pence said.

He didn’t need to.

Trump went to Michigan, aiming to capitalize on the autoworkers’ strike in a key state that could help decide the general election. His competitors, meanwhile, were asked by Fox Business moderators at the Ronald Reagan library in California to participate in a reality show-style game where they would write who else onstage they would “vote off the island.” They refused.

The debate’s tone seemed far removed from a campaign that’s been driven by Trump’s attacks on his rivals and democratic institutions as well as his grievances about a litany of criminal indictments and civil cases targeting him and his businesses. The moderators did not ask about the indictments or why the people onstage were better qualified than Trump, instead posing questions about issues including education, economic policy and the U.S.-Mexico border.

The candidates often went after Trump on their own, hoping to distinguish themselves at a critical moment with less than four months before the Iowa caucuses launch the presidential nomination process. Trump has continued to dominate the field even as he faces a range of vulnerabilities, including four criminal cases that raise the prospect of decades in prison.

“He should be on this stage tonight,” said Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who is attempting to establish himself as the leading Trump alternative despite recent struggles to break out from the rest of the pack. “He owes it to you to defend his record where they added $7.8 trillion to the debt. That set the stage for the inflation we have now.”

Several others blistered Trump for not showing up, a departure from the first debate, when the field mostly lined up behind former president. DeSantis said just a few minutes in that President Joe Biden was “completely missing in action from leadership. And you know who else is missing in action? Donald Trump is missing in action.”

Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who has built his campaign around criticizing Trump, said the former president “hides behind the walls of his golf clubs and won’t show up here to answer questions like all the rest of us are up here to answer.”

Even Vivek Ramaswamy, the entrepreneur who has declared Trump to be the “best president of the 21st century,” distanced himself and argued he was a natural successor.

“Yes, I will respect Donald Trump and his legacy because it’s the right thing to do,” he said. “But we will unite this country to take the America First agenda to the next level. And that will take a different generation to it.”

Trump gave a lengthy prime-time speech in suburban Detroit that continued into the start of the debate. The crowd booed when he referenced the debate. He joked, “We’re competing with the job candidates,” and poked fun at his rivals for not drawing crowds as large as his.

Even hours before the debate began in Simi Valley, about 40 miles northwest of downtown Los Angeles, the first group of supporters for any campaign to arrive waved Trump flags and put up a banner reading “Trump, our last hope for America and the world.”

His rivals seemed to sense his command over the field on Wednesday and did their best to change the direction of the race.

“Donald, I know you’re watching. You can’t help yourself,” Christie said. “You’re ducking these things. And let me tell you what’s going to happen. You keep doing that, no one here’s going to call you Donald Trump anymore. We’re going to call you Donald Duck.”

Nikki Haley, the former South Carolina governor and United Nations ambassador, drew larger crowds and new interest after the first debate. Her team raised expectations prior to Wednesday’s debate ahead of an expected campaign swing in Iowa.

Haley didn’t single out Trump but instead picked multiple fights with entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, as she did in August. She assailed him for creating a campaign account on TikTok, the social media app that many Republicans criticize as a possible spy tool for China.

“Honestly, every time I hear you, I feel a little bit dumber for what you say,” Haley said.

Haley also fought with Sen. Tim Scott, her fellow South Carolinian and once her pick to fill the state’s open Senate seat. As Scott accused Haley of backing a gas tax as South Carolina governor and upgrading the curtains in her office as United Nations ambassador, Haley responded, “Bring it, Tim.”

After a first debate in which he assailed rivals and derided the rest of the field as “bought and paid for,” Ramaswamy tried to show a softer side when Haley and others went after him. After Haley’s attack on his use of TikTok, Ramaswamy said, “I think we would be better served as a Republican Party if we’re not sitting here hurling personal insults.”

DeSantis sniped at Ramaswamy and so did Pence, suggesting that he’d failed to vote in many past elections. North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum steered clear of Ramaswamy, but repeatedly jumped in to answer questions he wasn’t asked to get himself more screen time in the debate’s early going. He repeatedly shouted for attention from the left end of the stage, leading a moderator to threaten to cut his microphone.

In one awkward exchange, two candidates made references to sex in talking about teachers unions. “When you have the president of the United States sleeping with a member of the teachers union, there is no chance that you can take the stranglehold away from the teachers union,” Christie said at one point, referencing first lady Jill Biden’s teaching career and longtime membership in the National Education Association.

A short time later, Pence turned to Christie: “I’ve been sleeping with a teacher for 38 years. Full disclosure.” His wife, Karen, is a teacher.

The night concluded with the moderators noting that it was unlikely a divided field could stop Trump, but then asking candidates to say who they would “vote off the island,” an apparent reference to the “Survivor” reality show. The proposed game didn’t get far as DeSantis suggested it was insulting.

Former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson was the only candidate not on the second debate’s stage after qualifying for the first one. He too headed to suburban Detroit, saying, “Donald Trump is here in Detroit tonight because he wants to avoid a debate.”

Wednesday’s site was symbolic given that Reagan has long been a Republican icon whose words and key moments still shape GOP politics today.

But in addition to fighting with the library’s leaders, Trump has reshaped the party and pushed it away from Reagan. The second debate’s participants were largely respectful of all that Reagan stood for — but also didn’t distance themselves much from Trump’s major policy beliefs.

Democrats, meanwhile, argued the debate didn’t matter. Biden was in California at the same time, raising money in the San Francisco Bay Area for his reelection campaign, which at the moment is likely to be a rematch with Trump.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom was in Simi Valley representing the Biden campaign and offering zingers to reporters about the debate, saying it was like a junior varsity or minor league game.

“This is a sideshow by any objective measure,” Newsom said in an interview.

Former President Donald Trump says he’s so far ahead that it would only help his competitors if he participated. The former president’s second consecutive absence gives those who do show up more airtime to make their case. But less than four months before Iowa’s kickoff caucuses, they are running out of time to change the trajectory of the primary.

The debate will be held from 9 to 11 p.m. ET on Wednesday at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California. It’s being moderated by Fox Business Network host Stuart Varney and Fox News Channel host Dana Perino, as well as Univision anchor Ilia Calderón. The event will air on Fox News Channel and Fox Business, as well as on the network’s website and other streaming and digital platforms.

Here are some of our biggest questions heading into the debate:

IS ANYONE RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT?

For much of the year, the Republican contest has felt much more like a race for second place — or even an audition for a Cabinet position or ambassadorship in Trump’s next administration should he win.

Conservative entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy was the breakout star of the first debate, but he heaped praise on Trump along the way, calling him the best president of the 21st century. He was not alone. Almost all of the candidates on stage raised their hands when asked if they’d support Trump’s candidacy even if he were a convicted felon.

And while the candidates did clash among themselves, few took the opportunity to go after Trump. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who casts himself as Trump’s strongest rival, was much more eager to go after Democratic President Joe Biden.

Part of their reticence could be explained by the challenge that Trump’s absence creates. It’s hard to debate an empty podium. But their cautious approach on Trump has been remarkably consistent all year.

Few are willing to focus on Trump’s most serious liabilities: the Capitol attack he inspired, his four criminal indictments, his constant lies about the 2020 election, his weakening of democratic institutions. Instead, his rivals have offered an array of subtle jabs about his political strength, his age or his conservative bona fides.

If they’re going to turn up the heat on the front-runner, Wednesday night would be an ideal place to start. After all, he won’t be there to defend himself.

STRIKING POLITICS

The Republican debate is playing out as thousands of U.S. auto workers strike in swing-state Michigan. The labor dispute offers both opportunity and risk for the debate participants.

The Republican Party is eager to protect its recent gains with white working-class voters, who have increasingly aligned with Trump’s GOP since he took office. But that’s easier said than done in a party that has long fought to undermine labor unions.

Sen. Tim Scott evoked former President Ronald Reagan during a campaign stop in Iowa earlier in the month while addressing the strike: “He said, ‘You strike, you’re fired.’ Simple concept to me to the extent that we can use that once again.”

The comment, which sparked a formal labor complaint from the United Auto Workers union, will likely be the focus of a question Wednesday night. The backlash against Scott was a reminder that the GOP’s traditional anti-union positions could alienate the same working-class voters in the same Midwestern battlegrounds they need to win the presidency in 2024.

The candidates must make a convincing case that they are pro-worker, just not pro-labor union. We’ll see if Scott changes his rhetoric on the debate stage.

Trump, of course, is traveling to Detroit on Wednesday to meet with autoworkers just a day after Biden became the first sitting president in memory to stand on the picket line with them.

LOOMING SHUTDOWN

As the prospect of a government shutdown intensifies, the candidates will almost certainly be pressed to take a position on an issue that has split Republicans on Capitol Hill and threatens to undermine the U.S. economy.

There is a clear dividing line in the debate within the GOP.

On one side, House Speaker Kevin McCarthy and other mainstream Republicans support a compromise spending package negotiated with Biden earlier in the year that would keep government and the services it provides to millions of Americans open. On the other is a small group of hard-right House Republicans using the debate to try to slash spending no matter the short-term cost.

While shutdowns are not popular with most voters, Republican presidential contenders typically align themselves with the party’s hardline conservatives, who hold the most power in Republican primary elections. That’s been the case in the 2024 primary so far.

Over the last week, Trump, DeSantis, Scott and former Vice President Mike Pence have seemed to endorse the prospect of a shutdown if the hardliners’ demands — which include pulling back on aid to Ukraine — are not met. But saying it on the campaign trail isn’t the same thing as saying it on national television with millions of voters watching.

decision 2024 Sep 22, 2023

3rd Republican presidential debate to be in Miami in November

news Sep 20, 2023

Tim Scott and Nikki Haley attack unions as UAW strike threatens to escalate ahead of GOP debate

HALEY, THE ELECTABLE?

Like the rest of the Trump alternatives, former United Nations ambassador Nikki Haley has struggled to make any real headway against the former president. But she may be better positioned than most thanks to the one key issue among GOP primary voters: electability.

Democrats acknowledge Trump would be a formidable general election foe should he become the Republican nominee. But Biden’s allies may be more concerned about a head-to-head matchup against Haley, a 51-year-old former governor.

Haley, the only woman on stage, has a big opportunity to strengthen the perception that she is a safer bet than Trump in a general election against Biden. If enough Republican primary voters believe her pitch, she could very well emerge as a legitimate threat to the former president.

It’s unclear whether Haley’s rivals see her as a direct threat, but they likely won’t let her claim the electability mantle without a fight. The issue is especially critical for DeSantis and Scott, who have struggled since delivering underwhelming performances in the first debate.

DeSantis’ initial strength was based on the notion that he, too, was best positioned to win next fall. That’s why, at least in part, he focused so much on Biden in the opening debate. But DeSantis and his “anti-woke” message has turned off mainstream Republicans. And Scott’s happy warrior approach has yet to catch on.

Both men badly need to generate some momentum on Wednesday. Haley may be getting some fresh attention, but she still has a lot of work to do to become a genuine threat to Trump.

ABORTION NOT GOING AWAY

Some Republicans would like to stop talking about abortion given the political advantage Democrats have on the issue. But it’s not going away.

That’s because some Republican candidates see it as one of Trump’s biggest political weaknesses. Trump paved the way for the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade by transforming the court, but he has irked social conservatives by questioning their rhetoric on abortion, which he recently blamed for the GOP’s lackluster performance in the 2022 midterms.

Some of Trump’s rivals are eager to highlight the pro-life community’s concerns during the debate.

Pence, an evangelical Christian, has already vowed to take Trump to task for his refusal to embrace a national abortion ban. Both Scott and Pence said they would sign a national abortion ban if elected.

DeSantis has tried to jab Trump from the right, although he faces a more delicate task. Just five months ago, the Florida governor signed into Florida law a ban on abortions at six weeks of pregnancy — before most women know they’re pregnant — although he has sidestepped direct questions about whether he supports a federal ban.

As the only woman on stage, Haley is perhaps the party’s best messenger on the issue. In the first debate, she urged Republicans to not push for a national abortion ban with next to no chance of passing Congress, a view she is likely to reinforce on Wednesday night.

As long as the issue is featured prominently, Democrats will be pleased.

Trump will bypass the second Republican presidential debate that day to instead visit striking autoworkers in Michigan, where he has looked to position himself as an ally of blue-collar workers by promising to raise wages and protect jobs if elected to a second term.

But union leaders say Trump’s record in the White House speaks for itself. Union leaders have said his first term was far from worker-friendly, citing unfavorable rulings from the nation’s top labor board and the U.S. Supreme Court, as well as unfulfilled promises of automotive jobs. While the United Auto Workers union has withheld an endorsement in the 2024 presidential race, its leadership has repeatedly rebuffed Trump.

Nevertheless, Trump plans to speak directly to a room of former and current union members. A Trump campaign radio ad released last week in Detroit and Toledo, Ohio, praised auto workers and said the former president has “always had their back.”

Not everyone thinks so. Despite Trump’s history of success in courting blue-collar workers in previous elections, union leaders say their members would do well to believe their own eyes.

“Just look who Trump put in the courts,” said Dave Green, the UAW regional director for Ohio and Indiana. “Look at his record with the labor relations board. He did nothing to support organized labor except lip service.”

The National Labor Relations Board, which enforces the country’s labor laws and oversees union elections, came under Republican control during the Trump administration for the first time since 2007. The board reversed several key Obama-era rulings that made it easier for small unions to organize, strengthened the bargaining rights of franchise workers and provided protection against anti-union measures for employees.

news Sep 26, 2023

UAW strike: Biden, Trump seek blue-collar votes in swing state Michigan

Joe Biden Sep 26, 2023

Biden tells striking auto workers to ‘stick with it' in a historic visit to Michigan picket line

In 2017, the Trump-era board reversed a decision holding employers responsible for labor violations by subcontractors or franchisees. In 2019, the board gave a boost to companies that use contract labor, such as Lyft and Uber, by emphasizing “entrepreneurial opportunity” in determining a worker’s employment status, making organizing harder.

Mark McManus, president of the plumbers and pipefitters union, said in a statement last week that Trump “tried to gut” the labor relations board under his administration “to undo the safeguards that protect working families.” Michigan AFL-CIO President Ron Bieber told The Associated Press in an emailed statement that the board was stacked with “anti-worker appointees who trampled on collective bargaining rights.”

The union leaders also point to unfavorable U.S. Supreme Court rulings under a conservative majority that grew during Trump’s term. The nation’s high court has dealt a number of blows to unions, most recently ruling against unionized drivers who walked off the job with their trucks full of wet cement, allowing a civil suit against them to go forward.

In 2018, the court’s conservative majority overturned a decades-old pro-union decision involving fees paid by government workers. The justices in 2021 rejected a California regulation giving unions access to farm property so they could organize workers.

“If you’re appointing conservatives to the court, you’re often appointing people who relate to the preference for business or property owners or shareholders, more than the preference of stakeholders like workers,” said Peter Berg, a professor of labor relations at Michigan State University.

As president, Trump largely sat on the sidelines during a 40-day walkout at a General Motors plant in 2019.

Still, the Trump campaign vigorously defended his record as pro-worker.

“President Trump has always been on the side of American workers,” his campaign spokesman Steven Cheung said in a statement.

Cheung responded to the criticisms from labor leaders with a long list of economic gains and policies from Trump’s time as president, ranging from the surging stock market to low unemployment. He cited Trump’s broad push to remove regulations and abandon or renegotiate trade deals as beneficial to American workers across a range of industries.

Republicans have long tried to position themselves as being anti-union while remaining pro-worker. The party has branded itself as being for “the working class” while attacking organized labor, which has supported the Democratic Party for decades.

Trump has used a similar tactic in an effort to separate workers from a UAW leadership that endorsed Democrat Joe Biden in 2020 and that has attacked Trump since. In a recent campaign video addressed to autoworkers, Trump encouraged them not to pay union dues and claimed union leaders have “got some deals going for themselves.” Trump also claimed he would raise their wages and protect their jobs.

Job growth figures in the auto industry during Trump’s presidency contradict his claim that the industry thrived under his watch. The total number of auto manufacturing jobs in Michigan, which holds the most automotive jobs in the U.S., stayed even during Trump’s presidency.

In Ohio, the number of auto manufacturing jobs grew by fewer than 2,000 jobs during Trump’s four years in the White House. But Green, the UAW director, said some communities that had backed Trump in 2016 were abandoned by him. He pointed to Lordstown, Ohio, an area that Trump won by a significant margin in 2016 and where Green previously served as the local UAW president.

In 2017, during a visit to the region, Trump pledged that jobs there were “all coming back” and implored residents to stay put. A year later, General Motors announced the closure of its Lordstown plant, one of the largest employers in the area.

“The guy came to my community and flat out lied to everybody,” Green said last week. “Banks were closing, schools were shutting down. I wrote the guy two letters, and he didn’t even reply.”

AP VoteCast shows that in the 2020 presidential election, Trump was the choice of 62% of white voters without a college degree, whereas Biden won the vote of 37% in this group. Biden performed better than Trump did among union members, receiving 56% of union members’ votes in the 2020 election, compared with Trump’s 42%.

Trump hopes in 2024 to win back the support of union-friendly states such as Michigan, which became the first in nearly 60 years to repeal a union-restricting law known as “right-to-work.” It’s one of three Rust Belt states along with Pennsylvania and Wisconsin that broke for Democrats but where Trump narrowly won in 2016, carrying him into the White House. He lost those states to Biden in the 2020 election.

___

Price reported from New York. AP Polls and Surveys reporter Linley Sanders in Washington contributed to this report.

Seven candidates have qualified for Wednesday night’s debate at Ronald Reagan’s presidential library in California, the Republican National Committee said, confirming that former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson did not make the cut this time.

Former President Donald Trump, the early Republican presidential front-runner who skipped the first debate, will also be missing from the stage and will instead hold events in the battleground state of Michigan.

To qualify for the second debate, candidates needed at least 3% support in two national polls or 3% in one national poll as well as two polls from four of the early-voting states — Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina.

The White House hopefuls also needed at least 50,000 unique donors, with at least 200 of those coming from 20 states or territories. They also had to sign an RNC pledge promising to support the party’s eventual nominee.

Donald Trump Sep 19, 2023

Trump plans to meet with striking autoworkers in Michigan instead of attending second GOP debate

decision 2024 Sep 22, 2023

3rd Republican presidential debate to be in Miami in November

A look at where the candidates stand:

RON DESANTIS

The Florida governor had long been seen as the top rival for Trump, finishing a distant second to the current GOP front-runner in both early-voting state and national polls, and raising an impressive amount of money.

But those sands have begun to shift as DeSantis’ effort has struggled to live up to high expectations for his campaign. Republican support for him nationally has slipped substantially from its high point earlier this year.

TIM SCOTT

The senator from South Carolina did not have a breakout moment in the first debate in Milwaukee and is hoping to change that during Wednesday’s event.

Wanting to be a bigger part of the conversation, Scott asked the party to change how it orders the candidates onstage in an effort to get more prominent podium placement. There is no indication the RNC plans to do that.

NIKKI HALEY

The only Republican woman on stage — and in the field — Haley experienced a fundraising bounce after her performance in the first debate. Her campaign said she raised at least $1 million in 72 hours, a record period for her.

Two recent polls of her home state of South Carolina found that Haley — a former United Nations ambassador and South Carolina governor — was in second place, well behind Trump but slightly ahead of other GOP rivals.

During one squabble in the first GOP debate, Haley cut in with a reference to a famous line from Margaret Thatcher, Britain’s first female prime minister: “If you want something said, ask a man. If you want something done, ask a woman.”

VIVEK RAMASWAMY

The political newcomer scored several memorable moments at the first debate, criticizing some rivals as “super PAC puppets” who were using “ready-made, preprepared slogans” to attack him. He was a frequent target of incoming attacks on his lack of experience.

Those jabs helped boost both Ramaswamy’s campaign coffers and his name ID in the broad Republican field.

CHRIS CHRISTIE

The former New Jersey governor opened his campaign by portraying himself as the only candidate ready to take on Trump, calling on the former president to “show up at the debates and defend his record.”

Without Trump at the first debate, Christie was left without his primary intended target. At times, he was drowned out by the audience’s boos as he pushed back aggressively on questioning as to whether the candidates would support Trump even if he is convicted of felony charges.

DOUG BURGUM

Burgum, a former software entrepreneur now in his second term as North Dakota’s governor, nearly missed the first debate due to a tendon injury sustained while playing basketball with his campaign staff. But Burgum still participated, telling reporters afterward that he stood on one leg behind the podium.

Burgum has been using his fortune to boost his campaign, giving away $20 gift cards — “Biden Relief Cards,” hitting Biden’s handling of the economy — in exchange for $1 donations. Critics have questioned whether the offer violates campaign finance law.

MIKE PENCE

Campaigning on his reputation as a statesman and experienced elected official, Trump’s vice president showed off his debate chops last month and is angling to see more action in California.

Pence had combative moments with several other candidates in Milwaukee over some of the biggest dividing lines in the Republican nominating contest.

Drawing a contrast with Haley over abortion, among his signature issues, Pence called Haley’s push for consensus over the issue “the opposite of leadership.” Perhaps some of Pence’s fieriest moments came as he sparred with Ramaswamy, saying, “Now is not the time for on-the-job training.”

Pence himself was also the subject of a pivotal debate question, with the candidates largely agreeing that he had been correct to protect the results of the 2020 election against Trump’s pressure campaign.

DONALD TRUMP

The current GOP front-runner is skipping his second straight debate, this time opting to meet with union workers in Michigan. He will give a speech shortly before his rivals take the stage in California.

Last month, Trump conducted an interview with former Fox News host Tucker Carlson that aired on X around the same time the first debate began.

Trump has said he does not want to elevate his lower-polling opponents by participating in a debate against them.

ASA HUTCHINSON

The former two-term Arkansas governor was the final candidate to meet the RNC’s qualifications for the first debate, posting pleas on Twitter for $1 donations to help secure his slot in Milwaukee, but he didn’t meet the heightened criteria to participate in the second.

Instead of the debate, he’ll be in Michigan on Wednesday, holding a press conference his campaign describes as “calling out Donald Trump’s false promises.”

Participating candidates must secure 4% of the vote in multiple polls and 70,000 unique donors to earn a spot on the stage, the Republican National Committee said Friday. Party officials did not immediately respond to inquiries about who would moderate the debate.

Details of the gathering come as the broad GOP field prepares for a second primary debate without their current front-runner. Former President Donald Trump, who also skipped the first debate last month, plans to meet with current and former union workers in Michigan instead of participating in the Sept. 27 debate at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California.

The requirements for the third debate will be more challenging to meet than the second. For the second debate, candidates need at least 3% in two national polls or 3% in one national poll as well as two polls from four of the early-voting states — Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina, according to the RNC. The White House hopefuls must also have at least 50,000 unique donors.

The GOP hasn’t confirmed the qualified participants for Wednesday’s debate, but several campaigns have said they’ve satisfied the marks, including former Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, Sen. Tim Scott, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, biotech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy and former Vice President Mike Pence.

North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum and former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson participated in the first debate, but their attendance for the second is uncertain.

The candidates are arranged on stage based on their order in polls that meet standards set by the RNC, with higher performing candidates being closer to center stage.

Scott, who was second from the right edge of the stage for the first GOP debate last month, has proposed the RNC change how it orders the candidates for next week’s debate. In a letter to Chair Ronna McDaniel, Scott’s campaign argued that, since Iowa’s caucus is the leadoff to GOP balloting next year, “polling results from Iowa should be the primary consideration for podium placement at the September debate.”

“The debate committee has had a very thoughtful approach to the entire process, and we continue to welcome input from all candidates, partners and stakeholders,” RNC officials said of Scott’s proposal. “We look forward to hosting another fair and transparent debate stage in Simi Valley.” ___

Associated Press writers Michelle L. Price in New York and Jonathan J. Cooper in Phoenix contributed to this report.

It’s election season in the DMV.

While the 2024 general election looms the largest — between the race for U.S. president and those in the U.S. Senate and House — in Virginia, every year is an election year. The commonwealth is already gearing up for important statewide elections on Nov. 7.

Here’s what to know if you’re preparing to vote in Virginia.

2023 Virginia election deadlines

Here’s a quick timeline, according to the Virginia Department of Elections:

Sept. 22: The first day of early in-person voting. You can find a list of early voting locations by county and city here.

Oct. 16: Voter registration deadline to vote in the 2023 election. You can still register after this date, through Election Day, and vote using a provisional ballot. Read more about provisional ballots, and how to register to vote in Virginia, below.

Oct. 27: Deadline to apply by mail, by fax and online for an absentee ballot to be mailed to you. Read on to learn how to apply for absentee (mail-in) ballots.

Nov. 4: Last day of early in-person voting, which ends at 5 p.m. Deadline to apply for an absentee ballot in-person. (This is also the last day a voter can request a replacement absentee ballot if there’s an issue.)

Nov. 6: Last day a voter can request an emergency absentee ballot.

Nov. 7: Election Day.

What are the races in this fall’s Virginia election?

All seats in the Virginia House of Delegates and the Virginia Senate are up for election this November.

That means this election decides control of both houses in the General Assembly — which could have a huge impact on certain partisan flashpoint issues in a purple state, like abortion access.

Right now, Republicans control the House by a narrow margin, while Democrats lead in the Senate — meaning each party is campaigning hard to win a majority of the 100 seats in the House and 40 seats in the Senate.

A key example is the 31st District, which includes parts of Loudoun County. It’s quickly becoming one of the most expensive races in Virginia — and on the first day of early voting, county election officials said turnout is already high.

“Things are great,” said Richard Keech, deputy director of the Loudoun County Office of Elections and Voter Registration. “We’ve had over 400 voters today. Last year on the first day of early voting we had 297, so we’ve already blown that out of the water.”

If the issues being discussed this year are getting you invested in local elections you normally skip on your ballot, check out our guide to getting up-to-speed fast here.

Check below for positions outside the state House and Senate up for election this fall, by county and city.

City of Alexandria: No local elections in 2023; only members of the Virginia General Assembly.

City of Fairfax: Court Clerk, Commonwealth’s Attorney and Sheriff.

City of Falls Church: Court Clerk, Commonwealth’s Attorney, a School Board member and a City Council member.

Arlington County: Court Clerk, Commonwealth’s Attorney, Sheriff, Commissioner of Revenue, Treasurer, a County Board member and a School Board member.

Fairfax County: Court Clerk, Commonwealth’s Attorney, Sheriff, County Supervisor positions and School Board members.

Loudoun County: Court Clerk, Commonwealth’s Attorney, Sheriff, Commissioner of Revenue, Treasurer, County Supervisor positions, School Board members and the Soil and Water Conservation Director.

There are also ballot measures related to school district construction projects, parks and recreation projects, and transportation projects.

Prince William County: Court Clerk, Commonwealth’s Attorney, Sheriff, County Supervisor positions, School Board members and the Soil and Water Conservation Director.

How to register to vote in Virginia

To vote in the 2023 election, Virginia residents need to be registered to vote. The deadline to register is Oct. 16.

Here are the requirements to register to vote in Virginia:

• Have a valid Virginia DMV driver’s license or state ID card.
• Be a citizen of the United States.
• Be a resident of Virginia.
• Be 18 years old on or before the next general election. (If you are 17, you can still register and vote in elections if you will be 18 on or before the next general election.)
• Not currently convicted of a felony or judged as mentally incapacitated and disqualified to vote.
• If you’re at least 16, but will not be 18 on or before the next general election, you can qualify to preregister to vote. (Preregistered individuals cannot vote — they’re just setting up registration so that they can automatically vote in the first general election after they turn 18.)

To register to vote, go here to visit the Virginia Department of Elections’ citizen portal. The website will walk you through the process after you click the green “Register to Vote” button. (Make sure you know your Social Security number and have your driver’s license or state ID with you for the process.)

According to the Virginia Department of Elections, you can register after Oct. 16 and still vote in the state’s general election by using a provisional ballot.

Provisional ballots allow someone to vote if their ability to vote is in question — for example, if they are not in the database of registered voters or if they decided to vote in-person after requesting a mail-in ballot.

Provisional ballots are evaluated when all other votes are counted. If a voter is indeed eligible to vote, their provisional ballot is included in the tally. You can learn more about provisional ballots here.

How to find your polling place and sample ballots in Virginia

Once you’re registered to vote, the easiest way to find your polling place — and see what candidates are on the ballot for your district — is to visit this Virginia Department of Elections website.

You can type in your Virginia address to see your Election Day voting site, as well as a list of early voting locations in your district. Those early voting locations also serve as ballot drop-off sites if you want to vote via absentee ballot but can’t mail it back by the deadline.

The same search results include a tab with a preview of candidates on the ballot in your district. Click “Ballot Info” to see names of candidates running for each position up for election.

It’s not a bad idea to double check which candidates are running in your district and where your voting location is — Virginia redrew its election districts after the 2020 census.

How to apply for a mail-in ballot in Virginia

At the same Virginia Department of Elections website where you can register to vote, you can also apply for an absentee ballot.

Voters no longer need to meet specific requirements to vote absentee. Any registered voter can get a mail-in ballot for the 2023 election, as long as they apply before the deadline of Oct. 27 by mail, fax or online.

Voters that apply in-person at the general registrar’s office by Nov. 4 can still get an absentee ballot before the general election.

Click the green “Apply to Vote Absentee by Mail” button and follow the on-screen instructions to fill in your personal information. You’ll need your Social Security number and driver’s license or state ID with you.

Registered Virginia voters can also now choose to join the Virginia permanent absentee voter list. That option will send the voter ballots by mail, sent to the address on their Virginia voter registration record, for all future elections in which they’re eligible to vote.

You have to go hunting for the option — it’s difficult to find on the Virginia Department of Elections Website, until you’re in the process of signing up for an absentee ballot.

Then you can choose to either get your mail-in ballot for the upcoming election or click the option that reads, “I would like to join the Virginia permanent absentee voter list. I will receive ballots for all future elections by mail to the address on my Virginia voter registration record. I will only receive ballots for elections in which I am eligible to vote.”

Once you get your mail-in ballot, you can fill out your ballot and then either mail it back to the registrar’s office or drop off the sealed envelope at any of the early voting locations in your district.

Your absentee ballot has to be postmarked by the date of the election, or a date before then, “and received by your general registrar’s office by noon on the third day following the election,” for your vote to be counted, according to the Virginia Department of Elections.

How to vote early in-person in Virginia

Early voting for the 2023 election begins Sept. 22 in Virginia and will continue until Nov. 4. (That’s the Saturday before the election on Nov. 7.)

If you’re registered to vote, all you need to do to vote early in person is to show up at an early voting location in your district.

You don’t need any specific reason to vote early, and you don’t need to fill out an application to do so.

You do need to bring an acceptable form of ID or sign an ID Confirmation Statement, and share your name and address.

If you request an absentee ballot and then decide to vote in-person instead, you’ll need to turn in your blank absentee ballot at the polling place. If you don’t, you’ll need to fill out a provisional ballot instead.

AdImpact, a firm that tracks political ad spending, projects that campaigns and outside groups will spend $2.7 billion on ads in the presidential election alone, followed by $2.1 billion on the Senate, $1.7 billion on the House, $361 million on gubernatorial elections and $3.3 billion on other elections.

It’s no surprise that the presidential race is expected to drive the spending, as it does every election cycle. But the $10.2 billion projection for 2024 would be a 13% increase over the $9 billion spent in 2020, when two self-funding Democratic billionaires unsuccessfully ran for president. And it represents a massive increase from the $2.6 billion spent during the 2016 election cycle.

The new projected high comes as ad spending in the Republican race has hit a torrid pace, eclipsing $100 million in GOP presidential primary spending far earlier than in previous elections.

Read the full story on NBCNews.com here.

“I guess the youth likes Trump,” he said over the cheers of the students, speaking to the Right Side Broadcasting Network, which supports his candidacy.

Then, the former president entered a motorcade to head to a private stadium suite where he watched the school’s annual football grudge match Saturday with the University of Iowa.

The pregame campus stop was a reminder of Trump’s dominant position atop a crowded Republican field both in Iowa and nationally. Several of his rivals also attended the game, mingling with fans at pregame tailgates outside the stadium. But Trump got by far the most attention and hasn’t paid a price yet for skipping the closer interactions with voters that are a cherished Iowa political tradition.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has struggled to position himself as a potent foe to Trump, came to Ames to attend the game with Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds, who has not endorsed a candidate but often has appeared with DeSantis and his wife, Casey.

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As he moved from one tailgate to another, DeSantis was flanked by fans cheering and waving campaign signs from a booth hosted by the pro-DeSantis Never Back Down super PAC.

“We’re having a good time,” DeSantis told reporters. “It’s quite an atmosphere, probably a little bit more civilized than the Florida-Georgia game.”

Trump has made a habit of visiting Iowa on the same day as DeSantis, whom Trump treats as his main threat. Their dynamic Saturday was similar to last month when Trump drew huge crowds to the Iowa State Fair in Des Moines while DeSantis addressed smaller audiences and hit the midway rides with his family.

At the Alpha Gamma Rho house, students tried to photograph Trump as he worked the crowd outside the red-brick fraternity house and flipped hamburgers at the grill.

There were some insults during the day. Some fans walking the streets made profane gestures at his motorcade as it moved through Ames.

Prop planes flew over the stadium carrying a banner that read, “Where’s Melania?” The former first lady has been largely absent from the campaign so far.

And hired performers wearing inflatable costumes, one posing as Trump and the other infectious disease expert Dr. Anthony Fauci, held hands as they roamed the parking lot in face masks.

Also appearing before the game were candidates Doug Burgum, the North Dakota governor, and Asa Hutchinson, a former Arkansas governor, who greeted each other at a tailgate honoring veterans, where Sen. Joni Ernst camped out for most of the afternoon.

While fans showed up Saturday for football, not politics, voters have had the chance to see most candidates who regularly appear at Iowa cattle calls and meet-and-greets.

DeSantis is increasingly focused on winning or placing high in Iowa and says he’s visited more than half of the state’s 99 counties already.

Trump, meanwhile, had made only six visits to Iowa this year before Saturday. Still, his campaign has been working in his absence, promising a more disciplined, data-driven effort for the organizational-heavy caucuses than his first campaign in 2016, when he finished second to Ted Cruz.

Trump’s campaign set up several booths around the parking lots, with his volunteers working to get fans to sign caucus pledge cards.

He sat at the game with Iowa casino powerhouse Gary Kirke, an influential Republican donor. Trump waved at fans from the window of a skybox, though he entertained visitors who were allowed in and out before he left the game during the third quarter.

Last week, Trump held a conference call with tens of thousands of Iowans. And he has done some face-to-face stops in Iowa with voters. In June, he handed out Dairy Queen “Blizzards” while also confessing aloud that he did not know what the soft-serve treats were.

There is no comparable example in Iowa political history to a former president running to reclaim his old office while also under indictment for more than 90 felony counts. But other high-profile candidates and strong front-runners have done the town halls and retail campaigning for which Iowa and other early primary states are well-known.

In 2007, then-Sen. Hillary Clinton entered the race for the 2008 Democratic nomination as a national celebrity and the party’s heavy favorite in national polling. Drawing larger crowds, Clinton sought to meet the demand by holding smaller meetings with local activists before speaking to packed gyms and halls.

Clinton also attended party events with her lesser-known rivals to demonstrate her willingness to undergo the rigor that Iowans typically demand. Ultimately, she lost the 2008 caucus to then-Sen. Barack Obama, who eventually won the nomination and the White House.

Trump has foregone all but one such event in Iowa this year. The exception was the Iowa Republican Party Lincoln Dinner in July, a marquee event that helps to finance the caucus.

Pelosi made the announcement before labor allies in the San Francisco area district she has represented for more than 35 years.

“Now more than ever our City needs us to advance San Francisco values and further our recovery,” Pelosi, 83, said in a tweet. “Our country needs America to show the world that our flag is still there, with liberty and justice for ALL. That is why I am running for reelection — and respectfully ask for your vote.”

Pelosi’s decision comes with Republicans now in control of the House — but just narrowly, with a 222-212 majority and one vacancy. Democrats believe they have a chance to recapture the chamber as President Joe Biden runs for reelection to the White House.

The Pelosi announcement quells any talk of retirement for the long-serving leader, who, with the honorific title of speaker emeritus, remains an influential leader, pivotal party figure and strong fundraiser for Democrats.

It also unfolds as Washington is grappling with the sunset of a political era as an older generation of leaders — including Biden, 80 — face questions about their age. This week, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, 81, said he would finish his term as leader and senator despite concerns about his recent health episodes.

But Pelosi has long charted her own course, from her arrival in Congress as one of few women elected to the House to her tenure as one of the most powerful women in U.S. politics.

First elected to Congress in 1987, the Democratic leader made history becoming the first female speaker in 2007, and in 2019 she regained the speaker’s gavel.

Pelosi led the party through substantial legislative achievements, including passage of the Affordable Care Act, as well as turbulent times with two impeachments of President Donald Trump and the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.

Her announcement comes as House Republicans are preparing to launch their own impeachment inquiry into Biden over the business dealings of his son, Hunter Biden.

While Pelosi has stepped away from the day-to-day political limelight after a younger generation of Democrats led by Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries took charge in 2023, she remains a political force keeping a robust schedule of public and private events.

Pelosi is among the party’s most prolific fundraisers for the House and key political strategists. She has said she doesn’t intend to hover over the new Democratic House leadership team, but she and Jeffries are often seen huddling quietly on the House floor.

It’s rare, but not unprecedented, for former party leaders to continue in Congress as members.

Back in California, Pelosi’s decision to seek another term is sure to disappoint other Democrats who have wanted a run for the congressional seat.

But Pelosi still has priorities she is trying to secure for her home state and especially San Francisco as the city works to recover from the coronavirus pandemic-era closures that dimmed other metro downtowns.

Pelosi has long been portrayed as a political villain by Republican critics, who view her as a far-left liberal and raise vast sums of their own using her image and actions.

Last year, her husband, Paul Pelosi, was seriously injured when an attacker broke into the family’s San Francisco home, seeking the Democratic leader at a highly divisive time in American politics. A trial is expected.

The lawsuit, citing the 14th Amendment, is likely the initial step in a legal challenge that seems destined for the U.S. Supreme Court. The complaint was filed on behalf of six Republican and unaffiliated Colorado voters by the group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington.

It will jolt an already unsettled 2024 primary campaign that features the leading Republican candidate facing four separate criminal cases.

Liberal groups have demanded that states’ top election officials bar Trump under the clause that prohibits those who “engaged in an insurrection or rebellion” against the Constitution from holding higher office. None has taken that step, looking for guidance from the courts on how to interpret a clause that has only been used a handful of times since the 1860s.

While a few fringe figures have filed thinly written lawsuits in a few states citing the clause, the litigation Wednesday was the first by an organization with significant legal resources. It may lead to similar challenges in other states, holding out the potential for conflicting rulings that would require the Supreme Court to settle.

Colorado’s secretary of state, Democrat Jena Griswold, said in a statement that she hoped “this case will provide guidance to election officials on Trump’s eligibility as a candidate for office.”

The lawsuit contends the case is clear, given the attempt by then-President Trump to overturn his 2020 election loss to Democrat Joe Biden and his support for the assault of the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The Republican has said he did nothing wrong in his actions.

The 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, helped ensure civil rights for freed slaves — and eventually for all people in the United States. But it also was used to prevent former Confederate officials from becoming members of Congress after the Civil War and taking over the government against which they had just rebelled.

The clause cited in the lawsuit allows Congress to lift the ban, which it did in 1872 as the political will to continue to bar former Confederates dwindled. The provision was almost never used after that.

The clause cites “presidential electors” but not presidents themselves as being disqualified if they previously swore an oath to uphold the Constitution and then broke it.

In its complaint, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington asked the court to expedite the matter so it can be resolved before the state’s primary ballot is set on Jan. 5 2024.

A Trump spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the suit.

The 14th Amendment was used last year to bar from office a New Mexico county commissioner who entered the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6. That was the first time it was used in 100 years. In 1919, Congress refused to seat a socialist, contending he gave aid and comfort to the country’s enemies during World War I.

Another liberal group, Free Speech For People, unsuccessfully tried to use the provision to prevent Republican Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia and Madison Cawthorn of North Carolina from running for reelection last year.

The judge overseeing Greene’s case ruled in her favor. Cawthorn’s case became moot after he was defeated in his primary.

Government employees are being bombarded with threats even in normally quiet periods between elections, secretaries of state and experts warn. Some point to former President Donald Trump and his allies repeatedly and falsely claiming the 2020 election was stolen and spreading conspiracy theories about election workers. Experts fear the 2024 election could be worse and want the federal government to do more to protect election workers.

The Justice Department created the Election Threats Task Force in 2021 led by its public integrity section, which investigates election crimes. John Keller, the unit’s second in command, said in an interview with The Associated Press that the department hoped its prosecutions would deter others from threatening election workers.

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“This isn’t going to be taken lightly. It’s not going to be trivialized,” he said. “Federal judges, the courts are taking misconduct seriously and the punishments are going to be commensurate with the seriousness of the conduct.”

Two more men pleaded guilty Thursday to threatening election workers in Arizona and Georgia in separate cases. Attorney General Merrick Garland said the Justice Department would keep up the investigations, adding, “A functioning democracy requires that the public servants who administer our elections are able to do their jobs without fearing for their lives.”

The unit has filed 14 cases and two have resulted in yearslong prison sentences, including a 2 1/2-year sentence Monday for Mark Rissi, an Iowa man charged with leaving a message threatening to “lynch” and “hang” an Arizona election official. He had been “inundated with misinformation” and now “feels horrible” about the messages he left, his lawyer Anthony Knowles said.

A Texas man was given 3 1/2 years earlier this month after suggesting a “mass shooting of poll workers and election officials” last year, charges stated. In one message, the Justice Department said, the man wrote: “Someone needs to get these people AND their children. The children are the most important message to send.” His lawyer did not return a message seeking comment.

One indictment unveiled in August was against a man accused of leaving an expletive-filled voicemail after the 2020 election for Tina Barton, a Republican who formerly was the clerk in Rochester Hills, Michigan, outside Detroit. According to the indictment, the person vowed that “a million plus patriots will surround you when you least expect it” and “we’ll … kill you.”

Barton said it was just one of many threats that left her feeling deeply anxious.

“I’m really hopeful the charges will send a strong message, and we won’t find ourselves in the same position after the next election,” she said.

Normally, the periods between elections are quiet for the workers who run voting systems around the U.S. But for many, that’s no longer true, said Colorado Secretary of State Jena Griswold, a Democrat who has pushed back against conspiracy theories surrounding elections.

“I anticipate it will get worse as we end this year and go into the presidential election next year,” Griswold said.

Griswold said the threats come in “waves,” usually following social media posts by prominent figures about false claims the 2020 election was stolen or blog posts on far-right websites. While the nation is more informed about the threats to election workers, she worries that there haven’t been enough prosecutions and states haven’t taken enough action to protect workers.

“Do we have the best tools to get through the next period of time? Absolutely not,” Griswold said.

Election officials note that there have been thousands of threats nationwide yet relatively few prosecutions. They say they understand the high bar to actually prosecute a case but that more could be done.

Liz Howard, a former Virginia election official now at the Brennan Center for Justice’s elections and government program, called on the Justice Department to hire a senior adviser with existing relationships with election officials to improve outreach.

About 1 in 5 election workers know someone who left their election job for safety reasons and 73% of local election officials said harassment has increased, according to a Brennan Center survey published in April.

The task force has reviewed more than 2,000 reports of threats and harassment across the country since its inception, though most of those cases haven’t brought charges from prosecutors who point to the high legal bar set by the Supreme Court for criminal prosecution. Communication must be considered a “true threat,” one that crosses a line to a serious intent to hurt someone, in order to be a potential crime rather than free speech, Keller said.

“We are not criminalizing or frankly discouraging free speech by actions that we’re taking from a law enforcement perspective,” he said.

The task force’s work is unfolding at a time when Trump and other Republicans have accused the Biden administration of using the Justice Department to target political opponents, although the task force itself hasn’t been targeted publicly by Republicans.

Many GOP leaders have sharply criticized the federal prosecutions of Trump and of rioters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, and Trump himself faces a federal indictment in Washington, D.C., and a state indictment in Georgia over his efforts to overturn 2020 election results. He has denied wrongdoing and said he was acting within the law. A series of federal and state investigations and dozens of lawsuits have not uncovered any evidence the election was rigged.

Trump is the front-runner for the GOP nomination for president in 2024 and continues in his speeches and online posts to argue the 2020 election was rigged.

For many election workers, the threats have been a major driving factor to leave the job, hollowing out the ranks of experience ahead of 2024, said Dokhi Fassihian, the deputy chief of strategy and program at Issue One, a nonpartisan reform group representing election officials.

About 1 in 5 election officials in 2024 will have begun service after the 2020 election, the Brennan Center survey found.

“Many are deciding it’s just not worth it to stay,” Fassihian said.

___

Cassidy reported from Atlanta. AP Director of Public Opinion Research Emily Swanson in Washington contributed to this report.

The 14th Amendment bars from office anyone who once took an oath to uphold the Constitution but then “engaged” in “insurrection or rebellion” against it. A growing number of legal scholars say the post-Civil War clause applies to Trump after his role in trying to overturn the 2020 presidential election and encouraging his backers to storm the U.S. Capitol.

Two liberal nonprofits pledge court challenges should states’ election officers place Trump on the ballot despite those objections.

The effort is likely to trigger a chain of lawsuits and appeals across several states that ultimately would lead to the U.S. Supreme Court, possibly in the midst of the 2024 primary season. The matter adds even more potential legal chaos to a nomination process already roiled by the front-runner facing four criminal trials.

Now Trump’s very ability to run could be litigated as Republicans are scheduled to start choosing their nominee, starting with the Iowa caucuses on Jan. 15.

“There’s a very real prospect these cases will be active during the primaries,” said Gerard Magliocca, a law professor at Indiana University, warning that there could be different outcomes in different states before the Supreme Court makes a final decision. “Imagine you have an opinion that says he’s not eligible and then there’s another primary where he’s on the ballot.”

Though most litigation is unlikely to begin until October, when states begin to set their ballots for the upcoming primary, the issue has gotten a boost from a recently released law review article written by two prominent conservative law professors, William Baude and Michael Paulsen. They concluded that Trump must be barred from the ballot due to the clause in the third section of the 14th Amendment.

That section bars anyone from Congress, the military, and federal and state offices if they previously took an oath to support the Constitution and “have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.”

In their article, scheduled to be published in the University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Baude and Paulsen said they believe the meaning is clear.

“Taking Section Three seriously means excluding from present or future office those who sought to subvert lawful government authority under the Constitution in the aftermath of the 2020 election,” they write.

The issue came up during last week’s Republican presidential debate in Milwaukee, when former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson warned that “this is something that could disqualify him under our rules and under the Constitution.”

In 2021, the nonprofit Free Speech For People sent letters to the top election official in all 50 states requesting Trump’s removal if he were to run again for the presidency. The group’s legal director, Ron Fein, noted that after years of silence, officials are beginning to discuss the matter.

“The framers of the 14th Amendment learned the bloody lesson that, once an oath-breaking insurrectionist engages in insurrection, they can’t be trusted to return to power,” Fein said.

Ahead of the 2022 midterms, the group sued to remove U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor-Greene and then-Rep. Madison Cawthorn, both Republicans, from the ballot over their support for the Jan. 6 protest. The judge overseeing Greene’s case ruled in her favor, while Cawthorn’s case became moot after he was defeated in his primary.

The complex legal issues were highlighted on Wednesday when the Arizona Republic reported that Secretary of State Adrian Fontes said his hands are tied because of a ruling by that state’s high court that only Congress can disqualify someone on Arizona’s presidential ballot. Fontes, a Democrat, called the ruling “dead, flat wrong” in an interview with the Republic but said he would abide by it.

If Trump appears on the Arizona ballot, those who believe he’s not qualified can still sue in federal court to remove him.

Other secretaries of state are warily navigating the legal minefield.

In a radio interview earlier this week, Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, a Democrat, said “there are valid legal arguments being made” for keeping Trump off the ballot and that it’s something she is discussing with other secretaries of state, including those in presidential battlegrounds.

Brad Raffensperger, the Republican secretary of state in Georgia who withstood pressure from Trump when he sought to overturn the 2020 results in the state, suggested the issue should be up to voters.

“As Georgia’s Secretary of State, I have been clear that voters are smart and deserve the right to decide elections,” he said in an emailed statement.

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Trump argues that any effort to prevent him from appearing on a state’s ballot amounts to “election interference” — the same way he is characterizing the criminal charges filed against him in New York and Atlanta and by federal prosecutors in Washington, D.C., and Florida.

“And I think what’s happening is there’s really been a backlash against it,” Trump told the conservative channel Newsmax.

Indeed, the New Hampshire secretary of state’s office was flooded with messages about the issue on Monday, said Anna Sventek, a spokeswoman. Earlier in the day, a conservative personality had falsely claimed the state was about to strike Trump from the ballot.

On Wednesday, a long-shot Republican presidential candidate, John Anthony Castro, of Texas, filed a complaint in a New Hampshire court contending the 14th Amendment barred Trump from that state’s ballot.

The eventual, bigger court challenges are expected to draw greater legal fire power. But Michael McConnell, a conservative law professor at Stanford University who is not a Trump supporter, said the case is no slam dunk.

McConnell questions whether the provision even applies to the presidency because it is not one of the offices specifically listed in the 14th Amendment — which instead refers to “elector of president and vice president.” He also said it’s unclear whether the Jan. 6 attack constitutes an “insurrection” under the law or simply a less legally fraught incident such as a riot.

But McConnell also worries about the political precedent if Trump is ultimately removed from any state ballot.

“It’s not just about Trump. Every election where someone says something supportive of a riot that interferes with the enforcement of laws, their opponents are going to run in and try to get them disqualified,” he said.

Ratified in 1868, the 14th Amendment helped ensure civil rights for freed slaves — and eventually for all people in the U.S. — but also was used to prevent former Confederate officials from becoming members of Congress and taking over the government they had just rebelled against.

The clause allows Congress to lift the ban, which it did in 1872 as the political will to continue to bar former Confederates dwindled. The provision was almost never used after that. In 1919, Congress refused to seat a socialist in Congress, contending he gave aid and comfort to the country’s enemies during World War I. Last year, in the provision’s first use since then, a New Mexico judge barred a rural county commissioner who had entered the Capitol on Jan. 6 from office under the clause.

If any state bars Trump from running, his reelection campaign is expected to sue, possibly taking the case directly to the U.S. Supreme Court. If no state bans him, Free Speech For People and another nonprofit, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, would likely challenge his presence on the ballot.

It’s critical that the high court settle the issue before the general election, said Edward Foley, a law professor at The Ohio State University. His fear is that if Trump’s qualifications are not resolved and he wins, Democrats could try to block his ascension to the White House on Jan. 6, 2025, triggering another democratic crisis.

Those pushing to invoke the amendment agree and say they think the case is clear.

“This isn’t a punishment. It’s like saying a president needs to be 35 years old and a natural-born citizen,” said Noah Bookbinder, president of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington. “You also need not to have helped organize an uprising against the government.”

Trump, of course, decided to skip the GOP’s opening presidential primary debate given his overwhelming lead in the polls. DeSantis showed up, but he was overshadowed for much of the night by political newcomer Vivek Ramaswamy.

And there was no shortage of aggressive performances from the others on stage either. Former United Nations ambassador Nikki Haley, former Vice President Mike Pence and former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie were aggressive when given the opportunity.

It took more than an hour for moderators to ask about Trump’s legal battles, a discussion previewed with a video of the Atlanta jail where he will surrender on charges Thursday.

The former president scheduled counterprogramming with an interview aired on X, formerly known as Twitter, while his team suggested that the debate was essentially an audience to see who’s best positioned to serve as his running mate.

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Here are our takeaways from an action-filled night:

VIVEK GRABS THE SPOTLIGHT

At the center of the stage, and the center of the debate’s hottest exchanges, was a 38-year-old man who no one expected to be there even a few months ago – a novice candidate and technology entrepreneur named Vivek Ramaswamy.

Though he’s well behind Trump, Ramaswamy has crept up in recent polls, leading to his position next to DeSantis at center stage. And he quickly showed why when he showcased his ready-for-video, on-message approach — talking about how his poor parents moved to the U.S. and gave him the chance to found billion-dollar companies.

Then Ramaswamy started to throw elbows. At one point he declared, “I’m the only person on the stage who isn’t bought and paid for.” He slammed his rivals as “super PAC puppets” who were using “ready-made, pre-prepared slogans” to attack him.

He seemed to be betting that primary voters preferred something memorable said to something done. His rivals were having none of it.

“Now is not the time for on-the-job training,” Pence said. “We don’t need to bring in a rookie.”

Christie cut in during one of Ramaswamy’s most biting attacks. “I’ve had enough of a guy who stands up here who sounds like ChatGPT,” Christie said, adding that Ramaswamy’s opening line about being a skinny guy with a hard-to-pronounce name reminded him of former President Barack Obama — not a compliment on a Republican stage. Ramaswamy responded by asking Christie for a “hug,” referencing when Obama visited Christie’s state following Hurricane Sandy.

Haley attacked Ramaswamy’s argument that the U.S. shouldn’t support Ukraine in its defense against Russia’s invasion. “Under your watch, you would make America less safe. You have no foreign policy experience and it shows,” Haley told him, standing directly to his left.

NAVIGATING TRUMP

It took more than an hour for the candidates to confront the elephant not in the room.

And when they did, most of the participants raised their hands to say they’d support Trump even if he was convicted. That’s after the moderators noted that Trump is facing more than 90 criminal counts in separate cases across four jurisdictions.

Ramaswamy vowed to pardon Trump if given the chance.

“Let’s just speak the truth. President Trump, I believe, was the best president of the 21st century. It’s a fact,” Ramaswamy said.

Christie, a former U.S. attorney and frequent Trump antagonist, pushed back aggressively despite being drowned out at times by the audience’s boos.

Even if people disagree with the criminal charges, Christie said, “The conduct is beneath the office of the president of the United States.”

DIVIDE ON ABORTION POST-DOBBS

The Republicans on stage did not downplay their strong opposition to abortion rights when given the opportunity. But there was a clear divide among the candidates over whether to push for a federal abortion ban.

Haley called on her opponents to be honest with voters that a federal law that imposes an abortion ban on all states would likely never get through the narrowly divided Congress. She said the issue should be sent back to the states. She also made a personal appeal.

“We need to stop demonizing this issue,” Haley said. “We aren’t going to put a woman in jail … if she has an abortion.”

On the other side: Pence, an evangelical Christian who has long fought against abortion rights. Both Pence and Scott openly endorsed a national ban on abortions at 15 weeks at least. Pence said that Haley’s call to find consensus in the states “is the opposite of leadership.”

“It’s not a states-only issue. It’s a moral issue,” he said.

As for DeSantis, who signed a 6-week abortion into Florida law just this spring, he didn’t take a position on a federal ban when asked directly. He said he was “proud” to sign his state’s abortion ban, which is one of the strictest in the nation.

Democrats were likely happy with the discussion. They already plan to make abortion a central issue in next fall’s general election.

DESANTIS IN THE BACKGROUND

The Florida governor was the highest polling contender on stage. Yet at the debate, he seemed to slide into the background as Ramaswamy took most of the attacks and fought with others on stage.

DeSantis rarely waded into the back-and-forth, preferring to wait for a moment when he could give a lengthy statement. His critics – especially Trump – have hammered him for being awkward and wooden, and he had relatively few opportunities to dispel that impression.

That’s not to say DeSantis didn’t have strong moments. He grabbed hold of a question about liberal billionaire George Soros, a major donor to left-leaning causes and frequent conservative target. DeSantis noted he was the only person on the stage who’s removed Democratic prosecutors who were elected with donations from Soros’ network.

“As president, we are going to go after all of these people because they are hurting the quality of life,” DeSantis said.

But even when DeSantis successfully walked the tightrope that has defined his campaign – avoiding direct Trump criticism while making a case for why he’d do the job better – he was brought down to Earth.

The candidates were asked whether Pence did the right thing by letting Congress certify President Joe Biden’s election on Jan. 6, 2021. DeSantis was notably quiet and had to be asked twice by the moderators for his answer. “I’ve answered this, Mike did his duty, I’ve got no beef with him,” DeSantis said, contending that Democrats wanted the GOP to talk about Jan. 6 while pivoting to the future, saying the election has to be about Jan. 20, 2025 – the day the next president is sworn in.

Bret Baier, one of the moderators, retorted, “Donald Trump is beating you by 30 to 40 points in the polls so it is an issue we have to face.”

THE LONE WOMAN ON STAGE

It’s not clear whether DeSantis changed that dynamic. With roughly four months left to go until voting starts, he may not have many other big opportunities to do so.

With eight candidates on the stage, it was a challenge to stand out. But one stood out immediately – Haley – because she was the only woman there and the only person not in a dark suit and Republican-red tie.

Haley quoted Margaret Thatcher about how women get things done while men talk, stressing the importance of educating girls and arguing that keeping transgender girls out of female sports was a woman’s issue. “I am going to fight for girls all day long because strong girls become strong women and strong women become strong leaders,” Haley said.

She also explicitly referenced the general election even as she remains a longshot in primary polls. Some of her most memorable moments came when she sparred with Ramaswamy on whether the U.S. should send weapons and funding to Ukraine.

REJECTION OF TRUMP’S FALSE ELECTION CLAIMS

Trump has almost made it a prerequisite for people vying for his party’s nomination to claim that he won the 2020 election. In 2022, Republican candidates in several debates were quick to say they disbelieve the 2020 election results.

Not on Wednesday. Instead, candidate after candidate praised Pence – who may end up a witness in one of the federal prosecutions against Trump – for rejecting the former president’s pleas to halt Biden’s certification as the victor on Jan. 6. Only Ramaswamy declined to support Pence.

“Mike Pence stood for the constitution and he deserves not grudging credit but our thanks as Americans,” Christie said.

Pence has been attacked by Trump repeatedly and pursued by hecklers still angry that he didn’t try to keep Trump in office. While an Associated Press poll earlier this month found that 7 out of 10 Americans think Biden legitimately won the election, 57% of Republicans do not agree with that statement. That’s a reflection of both Trump’s repetition of his election lies and the way a conservative media world parrots those lies, or at least shies away from contradicting them.

Fox News recently paid $787 million to settle a libel suit from voting machine firm Dominion Systems over airing lies about the 2020 election, so it was especially striking to hear such robust statements on the network, including Pence’s final statement about Trump.

“He asked me to put him over the Constitution,” Pence said of the former president, “and I chose the Constitution.”

AN UNRULY EVENT, AT TIMES

Things started off quietly as the candidates beat up on Biden’s economic policies. But when the participants turned against each other, Baier and fellow moderator Martha MacCallum struggled to control the action at times.

DeSantis helped set the tone early by rejecting the moderators’ request for candidates to raise their hands if they believed human behavior caused climate change.

“We’re not schoolchildren,” DeSantis charged. And the moderators abandoned their request.

At one point, Ramaswamy and Haley shouted over each other for more than 30 seconds when the conversation turned to foreign policy. The candidates waved their fingers at each other as they yelled. The moderators stayed silent.

Baier and MacCallum let the candidates drive the action for much of the night — which is typically what the audience wants, although there will be critics who would have preferred a more orderly affair.

But when it came to arguably the most consequential choice facing the party, virtually everyone on the debate stage in Milwaukee on Wednesday night lined up behind Trump, who declined to participate, citing his commanding lead. Most said they would support Trump as their nominee even if he is convicted in a series of cases that range from his handling of classified documents to his efforts to overturn the 2020 election and his role in making hush money payments to a porn actress and other women.

“Let’s just speak the truth,” said tech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy. “President Trump, I believe, was the best president of the 21st century. It’s a fact.”

In the face of such an unprecedented moment in American politics, that sentiment was a reminder of the power Trump continues to wield in the party and the reluctance of most GOP White House hopefuls to directly confront him or his norm-breaking activity. And it spoke to the struggle of any single candidate in the crowded field to emerge as a credible counter to Trump with less than five months until the Iowa caucuses formally jumpstart the GOP presidential nomination process.

That challenge was particularly acute for Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who announced his campaign in May to great fanfare but has since struggled to gain traction. He was sometimes eclipsed on Wednesday by lower-polling candidates, including former Vice President Mike Pence, a generally understated politician who demonstrated an aggressive side as he positioned himself as the most experienced candidate on stage.

Pence along with former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie sparred frequently with Ramaswamy. The goal for almost every candidate was to use the event, hosted by Fox News, to displace DeSantis from his distant second-place standing and introduce themselves to viewers who are just tuning into the race.

While the candidates repeatedly tangled — often talking over moderators Bret Baier and Martha MacCallum — most refused to oppose Trump as the nominee, even if he becomes a convicted felon. The question came nearly an hour into the debate and a day before Trump is set to surrender in Georgia on charges of trying to overturn the state’s 2020 election.

The moderators appeared apologetic about even raising the issue of a potentially incarcerated nominee, saying they would spend just a “brief moment” discussing the man they called “the elephant not in the room,” which drew boos from the audience.

“Someone’s got to stop normalizing misconduct. Whether or not you believe that the criminal charges are right or wrong, the conduct is beneath the office of president of the United States,” said Christie, a onetime Trump ally who has since become a fierce critic.

Former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson was the only person who clearly refused to raise his hand, indicating he would not support Trump as the nominee if he was convicted.

DeSantis was among those who did raise his hand. He said Pence “did his duty” on Jan. 6, 2021, when he refused to go along with Trump’s unconstitutional scheme to overturn the vote, but nonetheless pressed the hosts to move on.

“This election is not about Jan. 6, 2021. It’s about Jan. 20 of 2025 when the next president is going to take office,” he said.

For his part, Pence defended his decision not to overturn the election in Trump’s favor, a move that ended their strong partnership, saying he upheld his oath to defend the constitution.

Trump, who had long said he felt it would be foolish to participate in the debate given his dominant lead in the race, followed through with his threat to skip the Fox event in a blow to the network. Instead, Trump pre-recorded an interview with ex-Fox host Tucker Carlson that was posted to the platform formerly known as Twitter right before the debate kicked off.

“Do I sit there for an hour or two hours, whatever it’s going to be, and get harassed by people that shouldn’t even be running for president? Should I be doing that at a network that isn’t particularly friendly to me?” Trump said.

But even without Trump, the debate demonstrated sharp divisions within the party that he has stoked on issues including the war between Russia and Ukraine after Russia’s invasion nearly 18-months ago. Both DeSantis and Ramaswamy said they opposed more funding to Ukraine, arguing the money should be spent securing the U.S. border against drug and human trafficking.

“As president of the United States, your first obligation is to defend our country and its people,” DeSantis said.

Ramaswamy compared support for Ukraine to the ill-fated U.S. military interventions in Iraq and Vietnam.

Christie, Pence and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley cast support for Ukraine as a moral obligation and a national security imperative, warning that Russian President Vladimir Putin will continue his aggression if he succeeds in Ukraine, potentially threatening U.S. allies.

“Anybody who thinks we can’t solve problems here in the United States and be the leader of the free world has a small view of the greatest nation on earth,” Pence said.

The candidates also tangled on abortion, underscoring the party’s challenges on the issue after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last year. All of the candidates identified as “pro-life,” but they differed on when restrictions should kick in after the court ended the constitutional right to an abortion, leading to a wave of restrictions in Republican-led states.

DeSantis refused again to say whether he supports a federal ban.

“I’m going to stand on the side of life. Look, I understand Wisconsin is going to do it different than Texas. I understand Iowa and New Hampshire are going to be different, but I will support the cause of life as governor and as president,” he said.

Haley, who has said she would “absolutely” sign a 15-week federal ban, argued for consensus, saying that barring the procedure nationwide would be highly unlikely without more Republicans in Congress.

“Consensus is the opposite of leadership,” rebutted Pence, who has made his opposition to abortion rights a central tenet of his campaign. Pence supports a federal ban on abortion at six weeks, before many women even know they’re pregnant, and has called on the field to back a 15-week national ban as a minimum.

South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott also countered those who argued the issue should be left to the states. “We cannot let states like California, New York, Illinois have abortions on demand up until the day of birth. That is immoral, it is unethical, it is wrong,” he said.

While DeSantis had expected to be the top target as the front-runner on the stage, the candidates focused many of their attacks on Ramaswamy, who has been rising in the polls and espouses many of Trump’s positions.

“Now is not the time for on-the-job training. We don’t need to bring in a rookie. We don’t need to bring in people without experience,” quipped Pence.

Christie also laced into Ramaswamy.

“I’ve had enough already tonight of a guy who sounds like ChatGPT standing up here,” he said, referencing the artificial intelligence chat program, and calling him an “amateur.”

“Give me a hug just like you did to Obama,” Ramaswamy shot back — a reference to Christie’s embrace of the former president after a storm ravaged his state.

Haley, the only woman on stage in a sea of men wearing red ties, tried to rise above the fray.

“I think this is exactly why Margaret Thatcher said, ’If you want something said, ask a man. If you want something done, ask a woman,” she said.

___ Colvin reported from Washington and Cooper from Phoenix. Associated Press writers Steve Peoples and Michelle Price in New York contributed to this report.